Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 131

However, the worst happened. The soldier guarding the wooden wall suddenly pointed into the distance and shouted. Captain Bershanov walked up the wooden wall, completely bewildered. He saw a line of block boxes moving forward, hundreds of ropes away, with soldiers sitting on the boxes. But he couldn't see the animals that were moving the boxes.

A large wagon that doesn't require animal power? The thought flashed through his mind. Looking at the convoy heading towards Kyakhta, it meant the Chinese had enough troops to capture Kyakhta, and they had lost their chance to defend it. Captain Bershanov stared blankly at the advancing trucks until they disappeared from his sight.

After Captain Bershanov stepped down from the wooden wall, he ordered his men, "Light the fire, then charge out. We need to at least give Kyakhta a heads-up..."

When Captain Bershanov set fire to the town, Lin Yi's reinforced battalion had already disembarked and assembled in a meadow about 2 kilometers south of the Kyakhta Bridge. Seeing the black smoke rising behind him, he immediately ordered the cavalry company commander, Li Xiangyuan: "Your unit immediately attack the wooden bridge and seize it. After crossing the bridge, my unit will launch a direct attack on Kyakhta..."

The fire ignited by Captain Bershanov could not save Kyakhta, nor could it save himself. When he led his men out of the city, they were met with a fierce attack from the waiting Chinese cavalry. Captain Bershanov was quickly cut in two by machine gun fire. Apart from a few Russian cavalrymen who escaped into the marshes on the banks of the Selenga River, the rest were either killed or dismounted and surrendered.

Chapter 466 The Spark of Revolution

Lan Tianwei arrived in Maimai City by car on June 10th, only to find it in ruins. He had already learned about the fire in Maimai City from other people and felt very sorry that this border city, which had flourished because of trade, had been destroyed. There were no Han Chinese immigrant settlements in Outer Mongolia, so apart from the post stations, there were only a few towns that had sprung up because of commerce. It was a case of each one burned down being one less to be found.

In contrast, the Russians, due to their settlement policy in the Far East, have transformed the region. Although there were no Russians in the Far East over a century ago, their unwavering commitment to immigration and settlement has resulted in Russians now comprising half the population, surpassing the original inhabitants. Not only north of the Kyakhta River, but even in the river valleys and plains northwest of Kulun, Russian-style churches and wooden houses frequently appear, adding a touch of life to the desolate steppe.

The so-called Manchu expansion was nothing more than map expansion; there were no Manchus on the land, only some local minority upper classes who swore allegiance to the emperor. If this was the territory of the Manchus, how many foreign vassals had submitted to the Han emperors throughout history? According to this calculation, Central Asia and Southeast Asia were all traditional Chinese territories, but they were abandoned by the Manchus.

The presence of these Russian immigrant villages demonstrates the Russians' genuine desire to occupy Outer Mongolia, as they have already relocated immigrants into the region. At this rate of expansion, it's estimated that the northwestern region of Kulun (Ulaanbaatar) will become Russian territory in less than 20 years. After all, the Selenga River basin is indeed suitable for agriculture, far more fertile than the Khentii Mountains northeast of Kulun.

Lan Tianwei personally traveled the route from Kulun to Kyakhta and realized that the assault tactic adopted this time was indeed the most suitable tactic, because most of the Russian villages along the way had a population of four or five hundred people. These villages continued all the way to the Kulun region, which was equivalent to forming Russian transportation lines, food stations and troop reserve points.

Russian immigrants were different from Manchu immigrants to the border. These Russian immigrants were armed and would become part of the border armed force when necessary, supporting the army in combat.

However, the Manchu Qing dynasty generally treated border immigrants as exiled criminals or disaster victims who could not survive in the interior. The essence of such immigrants was not to develop the border regions, but to maintain order in the interior. Therefore, the Manchu Qing dynasty would not allow border immigrants to possess weapons, especially Han Chinese immigrants. Those Han Chinese immigrants were nothing more than slaves and potential rebels; they came to the frontier to suffer, not to enjoy a free life.

Therefore, Russian immigrants to the frontier often developed patriotism because they genuinely had property and livelihoods to protect. Han Chinese immigrants to the frontier, however, only sought escape because they had nothing to protect; their property and livelihoods belonged to landlords and officials. Consequently, the number of bandits in Manchuria even exceeded that of the government troops, while such large-scale bandit groups were rare within Russia itself.

If they had chosen to annihilate the Russian army in Kulun before heading north, the Russian villages along the way would have become small fortresses under Russian organization, obstacles on their route to Kyakhta. However, before the Russian army could react, the Chinese army launched a direct assault on Kyakhta, separating the Russian villages along the way and preventing them from being organized, thus making the journey peaceful.

Just like the Russian soldiers and civilians in Kulun, when the Chinese army appeared in Kulun, they actually wanted to hold out for a while, and if they couldn't hold out, they wanted to disrupt the Chinese army's control over Kulun and try to take away the Mongol princes such as Hutuktu. But when the Chinese army circled around to their rear, the Russians had no intention of making achievements and only thought about escaping back to the rear as soon as possible.

This is the nature of invaders, because they know that this land is not their homeland. So once their escape route is cut off, whether St. Petersburg will send troops to rescue them is truly an unknown. Logically speaking, St. Petersburg will definitely defend the border first to prevent its citizens from being retaliated against by the Chinese.

These Russian immigrant villages on the south bank of the Kyakhta River shared the same idea: if the Chinese army directly attacked their villages, they would resist to protect their property and lives. However, when the Chinese army was heading directly towards their rear, it was not the idea of ​​civilians to actively attack the Chinese army in order to delay their advance. It was not even the idea of ​​those small garrison troops.

Therefore, after the Chinese army eliminated several villages that threatened the passage of vehicles when it marched north, it encountered no further attacks along the way. The journey from Kulun to Kyakhta took less than two days by car, so when the second wave of Chinese troops traveled north by car, the Russian villages along the route remained eerily quiet, seemingly having accepted the fact that the Chinese controlled the region.

When Lan Tianwei arrived in Kyakhta, the group leader Yao Jinyong was already waiting at the north end of the Kyakhta wooden bridge. Kyakhta, like the trading city, was a wooden city enclosed by wooden walls. However, unlike the trading city, which was only a temporary residence for merchants, Kyakhta had developed into an industrial and commercial center for the surrounding area. It not only had large trading companies specializing in international trade, but also shops and handicraft workshops that met the needs of the surrounding villages and herders. Therefore, even though Sino-Russian trade had basically ceased, Kyakhta had at least not become an abandoned city.

Kyakhta is located on the east side of the wooden bridge. It is actually a city built on a gentle slope. It is close to the water source to the south and on the high ground to the north. Therefore, it does not lack water on weekdays, and it will not be flooded during the flood season. The site selection in the early stage of construction was obviously well considered.

Seeing Lan Tianwei examining the charred wooden wall, Yao Jinyong explained, "The morning after we captured Kyakhta, Russian reinforcements arrived. The Russians in the city wanted to support these Russian troops, but fortunately we suppressed them. The Russians attacked for three days in a row, but they haven't launched any new attacks since noon yesterday. They must be waiting for reinforcements to arrive."

Upon hearing this, Lan Tianwei immediately asked, "Then do you know their numbers and the areas where they are stationed?"

Yao Jinyong nodded and replied, "We've pretty much figured it out. Why don't we go to headquarters and sit down to talk? We captured the Russian army's maps; explaining things using them will be much clearer. The headquarters is on the hillside to the north, right where the Russians used to have their church..."

Inside the headquarters, Yao Jinyong explained the situation of Russian troops near Kyakhta to Lan Tianwei using a Russian-made map, and also reported: "According to the intelligence we have now, apart from the cavalry regiment that is confronting us, there should be no other organized Russian troops in the surrounding area. Although some militia can still be organized in the Russian villages along the Kyakhta River and the Selen River, these villages have already conscripted young men two or three times, so it is not realistic to send troops on a large scale."

In addition, at least half of the population in the Selen River Valley region is Mongolian, or Buryat as the Russians call them. Although these people submit to the Tsarist government, their loyalty to the Tsar is not that high. Apart from a few who join the Cossacks, most Buryat people only bear the obligation to pay taxes to the Tsarist government and do not bear military service.

Therefore, if we can keep the Buryat people neutral, our hostile forces in this region will be greatly reduced. Furthermore, there are many Chinese loggers in this area, and I worry that when the Russians realize we are continuing our northward advance, they will persecute these loggers…”

Lan Tianwei looked at the map and nodded, saying, "The safety of our country's workers in the region is indeed a problem, but we can only do our best. We can't make any special arrangements for them. If we can't cut off the Trans-Siberian Railway as soon as possible, we ourselves may not be safe, let alone protect their safety."

Therefore, our first priority is to eliminate the Russian troops confronting us, and our second objective is to capture Novoselenginsk on the Selen River and open a passage to Verkhovna Udinsk. Gather all officers above the company level; I'm launching an attack on the Russian forces facing us tomorrow. We can't let them wait for reinforcements…”

Colonel Krochaev received news of the fall of Kyakhta around noon on June 7th. He couldn't even believe the telegram he received, thinking that Lieutenant Colonel Avnika must have lost her mind and was sending a telegram at this time to joke with him. Therefore, he carefully telegraphed Lieutenant Colonel Avnika to confirm the news, and only then did he realize that the Chinese had indeed appeared in Kyakhta and occupied it, while Captain Bershanov and the garrison in Kulun had also lost contact.

The colonel immediately relayed this devastating news to Kharchenko. For the first time, the two realized that the Chinese offensive was clearly not just about recapturing Outer Mongolian territory, but potentially aimed at something far more ambitious, such as the Trans-Siberian Railway. From any perspective, if the Chinese wanted to cut off the Trans-Siberian Railway, capturing Verkhovna Udinsk would be inevitable.

However, Verkhovinsk currently only has seven or eight hundred regular troops; the rest have been sent to recruit soldiers or guard the railway line. This is because anti-war propaganda has emerged along the railway line between Irkutsk and Chita, and the last fire at the Tankhoi ferry crossing was an anti-government incident orchestrated by Socialist revolutionaries.

At first, General Mazyevsky of Chita was worried that the local Buryats and Chinese were sabotaging the war, but after investigation, Colonel Krochaev concluded that the Buryats and Chinese were well-behaved and that it was the railway workers and local Russian immigrants who could not tolerate it.

Because of the impact of the war, railway workers and Russian immigrants suffered the most. All the preferential treatment they had previously enjoyed was gone, and they had to endure endless overtime and military service, living no different from the Chinese.

At least the Buryat and Chinese didn't have to worry about military service. Their working hours had already been squeezed to the limit before the war started, and it was impossible to add any more burdens after the war began. On the contrary, in order to prevent them from rebelling during this period, their working and living conditions were actually improved somewhat.

Therefore, after news of repeated defeats came from Manchuria, the workers on the Trans-Siberian Railway were the first to feel discontent. They felt that their hard work had been rewarded with one setback after another, and that someone had clearly betrayed Russia, including their current appalling living conditions, which they believed were the work of traitors in the upper echelons. Revolutionary ideas began to spread rapidly among the railway workers, and through them, workers in towns along the railway line also developed an anti-Tsarist consciousness.

In order to suppress these unhealthy trends, the military and police in various regions had to strengthen their control over towns along the railway line. In addition, they carried out conscription campaigns in various villages. Now, Verkhovna Udinsk obviously has no spare capacity to solve the Kyakhta problem. They can only urge Chita for reinforcements.

Chapter 467 The Russians Who Have Awakened

The Transbaikal region was established as a province in 1851. Although its population has exceeded 70, Russians only account for slightly over 60%. After several wars, the human resources of the Transbaikal region have actually been depleted.

However, because this place is far from China, although the military strength in the region has declined to a dangerous level, it is still safe in terms of security. After all, the Chinese and Japanese must occupy Manchuria before they can launch an attack on Chita.

The Chinese attack on Kulun under the guise of resuming trade was not entirely unexpected for the officers of the Chita Military District; they were merely angry, believing that the Chinese, like the Japanese, were only capable of such petty tricks. Of course, faced with the plea for help from Kharkhenko, the governor of Verkhovna Udinsk Oblast, the Chita Military District could only formally report to St. Petersburg, requesting that a contingent of troops be left to reinforce the defenses of Verkhovna Udinsk Oblast.

However, the officers of the Chita Military District did not expect that the Chinese were not only aiming to recapture Kulun, but had directly attacked Kyakhta, and might even threaten the Trans-Siberian Railway. The reply from St. Petersburg only allowed them to intercept no more than 12 battalions of infantry, and no more than one battalion per day.

Because St. Petersburg was now more focused on the Battle of Mukden and worried that leaving too many troops in the Chita Military District would escalate the war in Outer Mongolia. Having abandoned its Far Eastern adventurism, St. Petersburg's latest diplomatic objective had become how to end the war gracefully. Therefore, it naturally abandoned its pre-war goal of occupying Outer Mongolia, which would only prolong the conflict with China and would not help end the war.

The reason St. Petersburg gave such an answer actually illustrates one thing: the high command in St. Petersburg had lost trust in the generals in the Far East. They were very skeptical of the Chita Military District's report, believing that the Chinese might not actually attack Kulun, or even if the Chinese recaptured Kulun, the Chita Military District only needed to hold the north bank of the Kyakhta River, and one division would be enough to do so.

If St. Petersburg still had great trust in the governors and generals of the Far East when the Far East War first broke out, then as the war dragged on, the lies fabricated by the governors and generals of the Far East were constantly being exposed, to the point that St. Petersburg no longer knew how much of the intelligence from the Far East was true.

The central government's distrust of local governments is making the war increasingly unfavorable for Russia, because it means that there is no one who can truly make decisions in the Far East. Governor-General Alekseev has lost power, Commander-in-Chief Kuropatkin has lost authority over his subordinates, and the Bezobulazov group, which started the war, is beginning to fall apart with defeat after defeat.

Every general in the Far East attempted to take control of the war effort, but their ability to gain this power depended not on the brilliance of their proposals, but on whether their supporters in St. Petersburg could suppress the voices of others. In other words, the situation in the Far East was already on the verge of spiraling out of control. The continued fighting in the Far East was not due to the unity of the Russian military leaders, but rather because they were forced to maintain unity under pressure from the combined forces of China and Japan.

On June 10, Colonel Krochaev finally assembled two infantry battalions, five cavalry companies, and eight artillery pieces, totaling about 3500 men, and marched up the Seren River from Verkhovdinsk to Novoselenkinsk. Although the colonel had managed to assemble this considerable force, in reality, more than half of the soldiers in this unit had known their superiors for less than a week.

The Chita Military District could intercept officers and soldiers on military trains coming from Europe, but it could not immediately integrate them into a real army. This was because the Russian army transported its troops in fragmented units. In other words, soldiers from different regions and officers from Europe and Russia did not know each other before boarding the train. Only after arriving in Manchuria would they be reorganized and trained into various units by the Russian army.

Of course, the professional training of Russian officers and the compulsory military service system for soldiers make it relatively easy for the Russian army to organize these units. Given a certain period of adjustment, these troops can quickly be deployed to the battlefield. While such an army may not be able to compete with the regular army, which lives, eats, and trains together for extended periods, it is certainly not comparable to civilian self-defense forces like militias. At least they have a subconscious obedience to military orders.

Novoselenginsk is about 100 versts from Verkhovna Udinsk, located exactly halfway between Verkhovna Udinsk and Kyakhta. Colonel Krochaev needed to lead this army on its journey and also integrate this newly formed unit along the way. As a result, it took them two days to travel only 50 versts. At this rate, it would take at least another week for the unit to reach Kyakhta.

The colonel was very troubled by this. He felt that if he could reach Kyakhta as soon as possible, the Chinese might not be able to hold out in Kyakhta. But if he delayed for too long, it would be difficult to retake Kyakhta once the Chinese reinforcements arrived.

However, he no longer needed to worry about this problem on the third day, because Lieutenant Colonel Avnik had been repelled by the Chinese. According to the telegram sent back by the lieutenant colonel, the Chinese had received a new batch of reinforcements and immediately launched an attack on the village where he was stationed. Since his troops had already exhausted their artillery shells during the attack on Kyakhta, the lieutenant colonel was no match for the Chinese manpower. Now, the area around Kyakhta was completely under Chinese control, and he was retreating towards Novoselenginsk.

When the colonel saw the telegram, he was already somewhat confused about the number of troops the Chinese had mobilized. If the Chinese were able to annihilate the Russian army in Kulun and then divide their forces to attack Kyakhta, it meant that the Chinese army had mobilized at least a complete infantry division, as well as a large number of cavalry units. Otherwise, they would not be able to divide their forces so arbitrarily.

However, if the Chinese mobilized tens of thousands of troops to launch this offensive, how large would their logistics force have to be? Based on the calculation that each 10,000 troops consumes 30 tons of supplies per day, the Chinese would consume at least 60 tons of supplies per day. If each camel carries 300 kilograms, then the army would need 200 camels to consume supplies every day, not even counting the consumption of the camels and their drivers.

Therefore, for an army of 20,000 to cross Outer Mongolia and launch an offensive along the Siberian front, with a two-month transport cycle, the logistical support alone would require nearly 30,000 camels. It was precisely because they considered this logistical scale that they abandoned their plan to directly attack Zhangjiakou from Kulun.

Of course, unlike the sparsely populated Transbaikal region of Russia, the Chinese could indeed easily assemble tens of thousands of camels. After all, to maintain trade between the Chinese interior and the Northwest and Inner Mongolia, they maintained a caravan of hundreds of thousands of camels. What they couldn't do, the Chinese might not necessarily be unable to do.

If Colonel Krochaev had previously only speculated that the Chinese intended to cut off the Trans-Siberian Railway, after receiving news of Lieutenant Colonel Avnika's defeat, he finally confirmed that the Chinese had the capability to attack and sever the Trans-Siberian Railway. While ordering his troops to speed up their march towards Novoselenginsk, he pondered how to report to Commander Kharchenko and Major General Mazyevsky.

At this point in the situation, the officers of the Chita Military District no longer needed to consider how to relieve the garrison in Kulun and defend the Kyakhta River. What they needed to consider was how to prevent the Chinese army from directly attacking the Trans-Siberian Railway, and in particular, how to ensure the security of Verkhovna Udinsk.

In just two weeks, the situation in the Upper Udinsk region has become so dangerous. Ultimately, it was because the officers of the Chita Military District misjudged the Chinese objectives and marching capabilities, and thus were led by the nose by the Chinese.

However, by June 14th, the officers of the Chita Military District had finally come to their senses and made blocking the Chinese route north to Verkhovna Udinsk their top priority. Military trains heading towards Verkhovna Udinsk and Chita were completely intercepted. At this point, General Mazyevsky no longer cared about St. Petersburg's opinion or whether it would negatively impact the ongoing Battle of Mukden. He only knew that without troops, he couldn't stop the Chinese advance on the Trans-Siberian Railway, and if the Chinese captured Verkhovna Udinsk, the hundreds of thousands of Russian troops in Manchuria would be wiped out.

To block the Chinese advance towards Verkhovna Udinsk, the only option was to secure Novoselenkinsk. Novoselenkinsk was the first fortress built by the Russian army in the Selenga River basin, predating Verkhovna Udinsk. Located at the mouth of the Chuku River, a tributary of the Selenga, this strategically important city served as the first line of defense against the Qing army's northward advance into the Baikal region. It was built by the legendary military engineer Ganibar, a black man adopted by Peter the Great.

Although this 17th-century fortress city has lost its function as a military stronghold due to the continuous expansion of Russia's territory and is now almost an ordinary city, its geographical location has not changed. It still sits on the banks of the Selenga River, protecting the lower Selenga region. Whenever Chinese troops want to advance down the river, they will inevitably be stopped by Novoselenkinsk.

For the Russians who had been exploring the Siberian region for many years, they knew better than anyone how important rivers were to Siberian land transport. Finding another transport route through the primeval forests and mountains of Siberia without rivers was almost an impossible miracle, such as the Trans-Siberian Railway.

However, the fighting between the Chita Military District and the Chinese has indeed affected the ongoing Battle of Mukden. Kuropatkin is still holding on to Mukden because he believes he can receive continuous support from Europe. He is trying to use Russia's national strength to completely overwhelm the Chinese and Japanese armies, thereby dragging the war into a war of attrition and forcing China and Japan to end the war through diplomatic channels.

While organizing the Battle of Mukden, Kuropatkin had already conveyed his specific views on ending the war to Nicholas II. He believed that if the war continued, Russia would not achieve final victory. Therefore, Russia should no longer pursue military victory, but rather seek diplomatic victory, preserving its interests in the Far East at the negotiating table as much as possible.

For example, Russia could relinquish its special interests in Outer Mongolia, southern Manchuria, the Korean Peninsula, and the Kwantung Leased Territory to preserve sovereignty over the Primorsky Krai and its special interests in northern Manchuria. It could use southern Manchuria and the Kwantung Leased Territory to provoke a deterioration in Sino-Japanese relations. For instance, it could return Russian assets such as the South Manchurian Railway to China, but hand over the Kwantung Leased Territory to Japan. The Chinese would feel their land had been occupied by Japan, while Japan would feel it had given too much and received too little. At this point, Russia could reach a new agreement with Japan, recognizing Japan's special interests in southern Manchuria in exchange for Russia retaining its sphere of influence in northern Manchuria…

Chapter 468 Response

The Battle of Mukden, which began in early May, had reached its most intense stage of fighting between Japan and Russia by June. Through the initial probing attacks, both sides had gained an understanding of their opponent's strategy and strength. Now, it was a matter of who could break through and determine the victor of the battle.

At this point, neither side could make any further strategic adjustments except for sending more men into the battlefield. If either side couldn't withstand the other's attack, their entire position would be destroyed, and any retreat by either side would become an opportunity for the other to pursue their victory.

If the previous battles between Japan and Russia were only briefly interrupted due to Russia's concessions, then in the Battle of Mukden, Kuropatkin truly brought out the full strength of the Russian army and fought desperately against the Japanese.

For every Russian soldier the Japanese army eliminated, he would send just as many Russian soldiers to the front lines. Whenever the Japanese army captured a position, he would immediately mobilize troops to retake it. He was relentless in his pursuit of victory, a stark contrast to his previous policy of avoiding battle and preserving his strength.

Such a war of attrition did indeed cause both Japan and Russia to bleed profusely near Mukden. In just one month of fighting, the Russian army lost more than 60,000 men, and at least the same number of men were wounded and forced to leave the battlefield. In the most intense day of fighting, the number of Russian soldiers killed even exceeded 3000.

The reason the Russian army was able to maintain the front line was that over 90,000 Russian troops had been transferred from Europe to Fengtian (Shenyang) in the past month, with three battalions arriving at the Fengtian railway station almost every day. Kuropatkin was able to maintain the front line precisely because of these fresh troops, and the continuous arrival of reinforcements also maintained the morale of the Russian troops at the front, making them feel that they could hold on.

However, the Upper Udinsk region is now under attack by the Chinese. To resist the Chinese offensive, the Chita Military District had to intercept military trains from Europe, effectively cutting off the Trans-Siberian Railway. Kuropatkin didn't know how long it would take for the Chita Military District to resolve the Chinese offensive and restore the Trans-Siberian Railway, but he knew very well that the Battle of Mukden could no longer be sustained.

Without reinforcements from Europe, the soldiers on the front lines will soon realize that the Trans-Siberian Railway has been cut off, and the Russian army will inevitably suffer a rout.

What worried Kuropatkin most was the Chinese. Previously, during the battle, the Chinese had only been bluffing, leading him to believe they had lost their will to fight. However, upon hearing the news from Chita, he suddenly realized this was likely a Chinese ruse. The Chinese weren't inactive; they were waiting for news of the Trans-Siberian Railway being cut. When the Russian army began to crumble, the Chinese would launch a decisive attack, and then the Russians would be in serious trouble.

Upon seeing the telegram, Kuropatkin said dejectedly to those around him, "The Chinese are truly ruthless. They used the Japanese to divert our attention, their real aim being to bury hundreds of thousands of Russian troops in Manchuria in one fell swoop. To achieve victory, they are not hesitant to shed the blood of their allies..."

To prevent panic among the troops, Kuropatkin concealed the telegrams from Chita and blocked news from the north. While hoping that the Chita Military District could repel the Chinese, he also prepared for a withdrawal. If railway transport could not be restored within a week, everyone would know that there was a problem with the Trans-Siberian Railway, and at that point, he would have nothing to do but order a retreat.

At noon on June 13th, wired telegraph communication between Kyakhta and Datong was restored, and Cai E received a telegram from Lan Tianwei there. He quickly summoned his chief of staff, Cai Hanqing, who had gone to Berlin with him for studies but returned more than a year later. Cai Hanqing quickly took on the important task of building the Red Army's staff system. The outbreak of the Northern War led this Red Army chief of staff to personally assume the role of chief of staff of the Northern Army Group, responsible for coordinating the logistics of the Northern Army Group.

After reading the telegram sent by Lan Tianwei from Cai E, Cai Hanqing immediately said, "Since Commander Lan has arrived in Kyakhta and the Russian troops stationed in Kulun have already surrendered to me, the route from Kulun to Kyakhta is safe."

The next operational task is to open up the passage to Verkhovna Udinsk, but for us, the most important thing is to get the troops north of Kyakhta as soon as possible and establish a logistics system that can support the military operations at the front.

The distance from Erlian to Kyakhta is over 1000 kilometers. It would take the army at least 20 days to walk, but only five days by car. We currently have 1092 vehicles on the road, and another 274 vehicles are under maintenance. Wuhan can provide us with 100 vehicles and 25 tractors every month.

Supporting an infantry division's offensive requires approximately 65 tons of supplies per day, or 26 truckloads. With 200 trucks per division, logistical support should be more than sufficient. Therefore, if we can capture Verkhovna Udinsk, we can support at least 3 to 4 infantry divisions in sustained combat operations in the area.

However, according to our intelligence, the Fengtian station could deliver 2 to 3 battalions of Russian troops daily, meaning the Trans-Siberian Railway could transport a division to Manchuria every 4 to 5 days. If we cannot capture Verkhovna Udinsk or cut off rail transport between Europe and Verkhovna Udinsk within two weeks, then we will have lost the opportunity to sever the Trans-Siberian Railway…”

Cai E stared at the map for a long time, deep in thought. At this time, Lan Tianwei's 7th Division was already north of Kulun, and part of the 1st Division had arrived in Kulun. He nodded and said, "Have the 3rd Division depart from Datong and head north as soon as possible. The 13th Division will maintain the safety of the road from Datong to Kulun, and the 14th Division will maintain the safety of the road from Kulun to Kyakhta, and protect the flanks of the 7th and 1st Divisions. I will go to Kulun tomorrow to urge the 1st Division to head north as soon as possible..."

On June 14th, Cai E, accompanied by his staff, traveled by car to Kulun. After leaving Datong, the fields on both sides of the road were filled with neat rows of green seedlings, showing no trace of last year's drought. Sitting in the car, Cai E was greatly encouraged by these farmlands. In previous years, after such a drought, much of the land would have been left barren, as many families simply couldn't survive. Even those who fled to other places would find it difficult to return home immediately to cultivate the land, lacking the necessary capital.

However, with the support of Wuhan, despite the severe drought, almost no one in the Yanbei region left their homes. In addition to getting through the previous year's harvestless year through work-for-relief programs, the most important thing was the construction of roads leading to various villages and local reservoirs, which laid a good foundation for this year's spring plowing.

Looking at the thriving seedlings on both sides of the road, it seems that Yanbei will no longer lack food this year. After leaving the Great Wall, the scenery of the farmland on both sides of the road remains largely unchanged. Although many areas are newly reclaimed land, the seedlings seem to be growing well. Only the flocks of sheep on the distant grasslands remind one that this place is no longer inside the Great Wall.

The reason why agriculture in Fengzhen Mengdi was able to develop so rapidly was not only because Han Chinese immigrants had already settled and cultivated the land, but mainly because state-owned farms and cooperatives led by Wuhan changed the original pioneering model that was mainly based on individual reclamation.

Although the opening of Mongolian lands had already occurred during the Tongzhi era, it became almost public in the mid-to-late Guangxu period. After the Boxer Rebellion, even the imperial court issued decrees to support the reclamation of Mongolian lands. However, this reclamation model was still quite small-scale farming. Landlords would give up a piece of land for migrants to cultivate or contract it out to second landlords to prevent land reclamation. For several years, no land rent or land tax would be collected. Once the uncultivated land was transformed into cultivated land, a certain amount of land rent and land tax would be paid.

Landlords generally didn't offer much assistance to pioneers; even oxen and crops were provided to tenants on a rental basis. Therefore, cultivating a piece of uncultivated land required immense effort. You needed to build houses, roads, and irrigation canals yourself, then clear away trees and rocks before you could till the land and plant crops. This preliminary work was extremely tedious and time-consuming for an individual.

However, for Wuhan, they prioritize speed over profit. Entrusting a piece of wasteland to a group of farmers to cultivate slowly, taking seven or eight years to become developed land, is a huge waste of time. If the state invests capital to first build roads and irrigation ditches, clear the surface, and construct housing for new immigrants, the wasteland can be transformed into developed land in just one or two years.

The agricultural machinery, especially tractors, used by Americans to cultivate the Midwestern plains was incredibly efficient in land reclamation and road construction. However, Wuhan did not introduce the first-generation steam-powered tractors, but rather a new generation of gasoline-powered tractors, which were not only lightweight and easy to operate, but also much simpler to maintain.

Therefore, from the Great Wall all the way to Fengzhen, the farmland on both sides of the road was almost continuous, a stark contrast to the previous landscape where farmland was scattered and the area was mostly grassland. Seeing these farmlands, Cai E felt that they absolutely could not lose this battle, otherwise the farmland would be abandoned sooner or later. Only by reclaiming Outer Mongolia could Inner Mongolia focus on development.

On June 18, Cai E arrived in Kulun, which had undergone a dramatic transformation. Before the war, the Mongols in Kulun had come to believe that the Manchus were no longer capable and that the Russians were the truly powerful ones. In particular, the young Hutuktu, after being lured by the Russians, sent his confidants to Moscow and St. Petersburg to observe Russia, which was the main reason for Hutuktu's affinity for Russia.

However, after Russia declared war on China, it did not demonstrate its strength on the battlefield, but instead suffered repeated defeats, which caused some Mongol princes to lose faith in the Russians. After the Chinese army began its counter-offensive against Kulun, Hutuktu hesitated but followed the advice of anti-Russian princes and refused to leave with the Russian consul.

However, at this time, the Khutuktu and the princes of Kulun still held themselves in high regard, believing that they could only establish themselves in Outer Mongolia with the support of the Russians or the imperial court. Therefore, the Khutuktu refused to admit the mistake of collaborating with Russia to the special envoy representing the imperial court, arguing that it was the imperial court's failure to protect Outer Mongolia that led to the Russians occupying Kulun.

Chapter 469 Heart

The arrogance of the Hutuktu quickly vanished with the rapid defeat of the Russians and the continuous increase of the imperial army in Kulun. His belief that the imperial court could not gain a foothold in Kulun without his support soon became a joke in the face of overwhelming military force. Clearly, if the imperial court so desired, it could even replace the Hutuktu in Kulun.

Even the confidants around Hutuktu who had faith in the Russians began to look down on the power of the court after visiting Moscow and St. Petersburg. They believed that Beijing was far less advanced and prosperous than Moscow and St. Petersburg, and that Russia would inevitably win in the event of a conflict between China and Russia.

Therefore, even though the court launched a counterattack against Kulun, most Mongol princes advocated returning to the court's rule. However, they still believed that the Russians would not be defeated and that once they overcame the current setback, the Russians would soon be able to fight back.

However, as Consul Shishmalfur surrendered to the Russian army with the soldiers and civilians stationed in Kulun, and the Russian army quickly captured Kyakhta and even launched attacks north of Kyakhta, these pro-Russian monks and officials finally dared not proclaim that the Russians would soon return.

On the other hand, the Northern Army Group had no time to settle scores with Hutuktu and the princes of Outer Mongolia. They simply abandoned the special envoys sent by Beijing to appease the people of Kulun, and then focused their energy on troop marches, the establishment of supply depots, and road maintenance.

This situation was even more frightening to the high-ranking officials and nobles of Kulun, because they saw armies constantly passing through Kulun and heading north, but the generals commanding these armies ignored them. This made them feel as if they were in danger of being punished later. Once the imperial army had completely driven the Russians back to Russian territory, who could resist when such a large army returned to Kulun and wanted to punish them?

As a result, the Outer Mongolian princes and nobles, who had previously been quite arrogant in front of the imperial envoy, began to become obsequious. Even the Khutuktu, who had insisted on his innocence, now politely admitted to the envoy that while he was innocent, he had indeed been misled by some people and manipulated by the Russians.

When Cai E arrived in Kulun, Hutuktu and some princes immediately sent invitations, wanting to welcome the commander-in-chief of the Northern Army Group and, incidentally, to give themselves and others a conclusion.

Cai E showed no interest in the invitations from these people. He instructed Wang Chuzhen, a political advisor, saying, "Unity is important, but before we talk about unity, we must first distinguish between friend and foe."

These opportunists! When the Russians were powerful, they clung to them; now that we've brought our army to Kulun, they're clinging to us. I don't have time to waste on their nonsense.

Those around Hutuktu and the officials in Kulun City will inevitably be purged. Otherwise, the people of Outer Mongolia will not know that the old order has been broken and a new order has arrived.

Wang Chuzhen agreed with Cai E's view, but he still advised: "Starting the purge directly from traitors who are close to the Russians will probably cause panic among the people of Outer Mongolia. After all, the Russians have been developing their influence in Outer Mongolia for one or two decades. In the past two years, the area north of Kulun has been directly occupied and controlled by the Russians. This charge is too broad and it will be difficult to control the situation."

In my opinion, we should start with clearing up debts, just like in Inner Mongolia. This includes clearing up the debts owed by people in Outer Mongolia to merchants in the mainland, as well as the debts owed by grassroots herders to princes and khutuktu.

In Kulun's prison, most of the prisoners were held there because they couldn't repay the prince's debts or pay their taxes. Releasing them will quickly give us a local following. With supporters, dealing with the Outer Mongolian upper echelons who betrayed the country will face far less resistance.”

Cai E nodded and said, "Let's do it this way. Take over Kulun Prison. Except for criminal cases, release all other prisoners. For those who are sick, give them treatment first, and then let their families take them back."

As for the invitations from the Khutuktu and the princes, please decline them for me. After speaking with Wang Rong, I will head north in the next day or two to meet up with Commander Lan. We don't have much time left. If the Russians stabilize their position, our plan to launch a surprise attack on the Trans-Siberian Railway will have failed…”

Wang Rong was Cai E's successor after he stepped down as commander of the First Division of the Red Army. The two had a relatively close relationship, so after meeting, Cai E did not ask anything else but directly inquired about the First Division's marching situation.

Wang Rong then honestly told Cai E, "Although we have conducted several field marches and training exercises before, this time with so many troops marching together and the time so tight, fuel and clean water have become major problems..."

The vanguard of my division has now reached north of Khara, less than 200 kilometers from Kyakhta, but the supply troops are still south of Kulun. The entire division is spread out along a route of two to three hundred kilometers... It will take at least a few days for my troops to assemble and rest before we can exert our combat power after reaching Kyakhta..."

Wang Rong's perspective was based on the safety and combat effectiveness of the First Division of the Red Army. While this might be correct in peacetime, it was clearly too conservative given the current situation on the front lines.

After a moment of contemplation, Cai E said, "According to our intelligence, the Russian army is now in dire straits and has begun mobilizing in Europe. The manpower in Siberia has been completely mobilized."