Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 148

Kurnatovsky opened his mouth but ultimately fell silent, while Baransky's face showed dejection. Babushkin, however, remained expressionless. Once his two companions quieted down, he finally spoke, turning to Lin Xinyi and asking, "So how can we preserve the Republic of Chita? If the proletarian revolution in Europe falls into silence, how can the revolutionary forces in the Far East withstand the Tsarist government's suppression?"

After a moment's thought, Lin Xinyi said, "Although Nicholas II issued the declaration to buy time to gather reactionary forces to suppress the revolution, the revolution ultimately shook the foundation of the Romanov dynasty's rule over Russia."

Simply put, while oppressive rule may superficially extinguish the flames of revolution, it cannot eradicate the rebellious spirit in people's minds. As long as the people's discontent persists, it will eventually ignite new revolutionary flames over time. When the government's oppressive rule becomes unsustainable, the revolution will destroy the government's ruling power with even greater ferocity.

Therefore, as long as the Republic of Chita demonstrates a certain degree of self-defense capability, Nicholas II would not risk a civil war by diverting European power to the Far East in order to avoid weakening his rule in Europe.

To demonstrate to Nicholas II that the Chita Republic possesses the capacity to defend itself, I believe we must address both internal and external issues. Internally, we need to eliminate opportunists and ensure the proletariat's complete control over the Chita Republic. Externally, we should introduce international capital to counter Russian capital, thereby restraining St. Petersburg.

Babushkin's expression finally changed slightly, and he further inquired about specific measures from Lin Xinyi. Lin Xinyi readily shared his views with the Russian.

He advocated that after Babushkin returned, he should send a mission to St. Petersburg to grant the Chita Republic more autonomy, and bring those influential people who did not support the Bolshevik agenda into the mission. After these people left, the army and the official institutions left over from the Tsarist government could be disbanded, and then the proletarian army and government could be rebuilt. In this way, the Bolsheviks could truly control the Chita Republic.

The introduction of foreign capital is essentially using the development of Far Eastern resources as bait to further complicate the Far Eastern issue. The Far East is, after all, a thorn in the side of St. Petersburg. After such a defeat in the war, Russia needs more foreign capital to restore its pre-war economy. This means that the influence of foreign capital in Russia will further increase. The involvement of international capital in Far Eastern affairs will also force St. Petersburg to act cautiously.

Finally, Lin Xinyi emphasized to the Russians: "You also need to fight for time now. This time is the time when the two major camps in Europe go to war. Only when the European imperialists go to war with each other and deplete their own strength will the proletariat have the opportunity to turn the imperialist war into a domestic revolutionary war."

Of course, in order to seize the next revolutionary opportunity, the proletariat must establish a firm revolutionary leadership organization. Judging from the Social Democratic Party's performance in this revolution, it is incapable of undertaking the task of leading the Russian proletarian revolution. We believe that the Social Democratic Party must achieve internal ideological unification and reorganization; only by expelling those opportunists from the party can it possibly assume the leadership responsibility of the revolution.

However, we can only offer our opinions. How your party should handle this issue is ultimately up to you Bolsheviks and Comrade Lenin to decide. We can only provide material support.”

Although the Russians did not gain the support they wanted in this meeting, they were persuaded by the principle of keeping faith and believed that it was necessary to prepare for the failure of the revolution. Babushkin decided to write to Comrade Lenin in London, telling him in detail about the course of the meeting and attaching the Chinese people's judgment on the Russian Revolution and the Social Democratic Party.

At the end of the meeting, Lin Xinyi pulled Babushkin aside for a few words. Baransky was curious about this and asked Babushkin about the content of their conversation on the way back.

After a moment's thought, Bushkin said to him, "Comrade Lin believes that we should select some intellectuals or workers with clean backgrounds, provide them with some training, and then send them to the United States to settle down and prepare for future world revolutions."

Baransky was somewhat surprised. "Isn't it a bit too far-fetched to be thinking about a future world revolution at this point? Besides, what can they do by sending them there? If we can really achieve victory in Europe, America will naturally follow us in revolution. If our revolution in Europe fails, how can a revolution possibly be born in America?"

After pondering for a while, Babushkin said, "Comrade Lin's opinion is that the country with the most proletariat in the world is the United States, and the country with the strongest bourgeoisie in the world is also the United States. If we cannot win the support of the American proletariat, then the proletarian revolution in Europe will be difficult to achieve victory, because the European bourgeoisie will definitely use the power of the United States to suppress the proletarian revolution in Europe."

Furthermore, once Europe is embroiled in imperialist wars, the United States will become the most powerful industrial nation outside of Europe. Without understanding the actions of this country, it's impossible to determine whether the imperialist wars have exhausted the strength of European imperialism, because the United States will inevitably join the war before European imperialism is depleted, to prevent a series of proletarian revolutions in Europe. I think what he said makes sense…

On the morning of October 20, the Central Committee members of the Workers' Party held an extraordinary meeting. At the meeting, Lin Xinyi advocated for a vote on Xu Xilin's report on handling Outer Mongolian affairs and proposed that Xu Xilin be transferred back to the position of Director of the Political Security Bureau. Under his strong pressure, Xu Xilin's report was passed, and Xu Xilin's nomination for a new position was also approved.

Xu Xilin failed to gain the approval of the Central Committee members not only because of his overly radical style during his tenure in the Anti-Counter-Revolutionary Committee, but also because he was neither from Hubei and Hunan, nor a founding member of the Workers' Party, nor even a participant in the Wuhan Revolution. Therefore, most people did not want him to enter the core leadership of the Workers' Party, always feeling that he was a layer away from them.

Although Lin Feng rarely appeared in Wuhan, he had been involved in the Party's theoretical and institutional work since its founding. Therefore, although people hadn't seen him often, they considered him one of their own, because they had heard his theories before the revolution. Xu Xilin, although he worked in Wuhan longer than Lin Feng, was always seen as a latecomer, an outsider in their minds, because he hadn't shared the risks of the pre-revolutionary era with them.

Even Tian Junyi found it difficult to change these people's minds. Although he had become the recognized leader of the Labor Party, he could not be too arbitrary on personnel matters. Lin Feng, on the other hand, could openly express his support for Xu Xilin without any objection. This was because Lin Xinyi did not need the support of the committee members. Instead, the committee members had to worry that their work did not conform to the party's theoretical direction.

At this meeting, Lin Xinyi not only raised Xu Xilin's issue, but also the issue of eliminating private ownership. He argued that "the elimination of private ownership must also conform to objective laws; it is not possible to achieve communism by blindly eliminating private ownership. Otherwise, primitive people would have achieved communism long ago."

I believe that the socialist stage is a process in which the public sector of the economy continuously grows and eventually overwhelms the private sector. The moment when the public sector automatically replaces the private sector signifies that social productive forces have reached the stage of distribution according to need, and the private sector loses its social basis for existence.

In contemporary China, the important thing is not to eliminate the private sector, but to accelerate the development of the public sector and improve social productivity. Therefore, we should conduct detailed investigations and research on various industries to determine which industries are prohibited for private capital, which industries restrict private capital, and which industries encourage legitimate competition between public and private capital.

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Chapter 531 Jiangning (1)

On the morning of October 20th, inside the Viceroy of Liangjiang's residence in Jiangning, Viceroy Wei Guangtao stood by the window of his study, listening intently. Although the study, located in the backyard, was very quiet, he felt as if faint sounds were coming from the front yard.

Behind him, the Governor of Zhejiang, Nie Jigui, was savoring the aroma of a cup of tea. In the open space between them, sunlight streamed obliquely through the window, causing countless dust particles to rise and fall in the seemingly tranquil room. Nie Jigui looked at the dust particles dancing in the light, seemingly lost in thought.

Wei Guangtao took a breath and finally walked back to his seat. He then said to Nie Jigui, "Zhongfang, is this really the right thing to do? Although Zhang Xun and Cheng Xun are stubborn, they haven't ultimately compromised their principles. If we frame them like this, what will history say about us? That we served the Qing Dynasty our whole lives, only to betray it in our old age? Wouldn't that be a joke?"

After a long silence, Fang Shengsheng said, "A few days ago, at the Wuhan Workers' and Peasants' Congress, someone proposed a motion advocating that traitors such as San Shun Wang, Wu Sangui, Zeng Guofan, and Li Hongzhang, who helped the Manchus suppress the Han people, be expelled from the Han nationality system. Furthermore, following the example of the iron statue in front of Yue Fei's tomb, kneeling statues of these traitors should be erected in front of the Xiaoling Mausoleum so that the Han people will remember the crimes of these traitors for generations to come, in order to commemorate the painful history of more than 200 years of Chinese occupation."

Although Wei Guangtao paid attention to the situation in Wuhan, he only cared about the important military and political affairs in Wuhan. He wouldn't bother with such trivial matters. After all, he was already 70 years old, and he didn't have the energy to grasp every detail. Therefore, when he heard about Nie Jiguigui, he was first shocked, then quickly felt angry, and then felt a chill in his heart.

It took him a while to gather his thoughts before he said, "Who proposed such an absurd idea? It's utterly nonsensical. How could they allow such a proposal to be put forward? They're just stirring up trouble. While the Three Princes and Wu Sangui may have failed the Ming Dynasty, Lords Zeng and Li were subjects of the Qing Dynasty. They were merely fulfilling their duties; why should they be humiliated like this?"

Nie Jigui took a breath and said, "The Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Congress is composed of representatives of the masses. They have always touted their freedom of speech. It is the right of the masses for their representatives to propose such a motion. Who would dare to criticize Wuhan for this?"

Wei Guangtao found it unbelievable. He couldn't help but say, "But they haven't even conquered the entire country yet. Aren't they afraid of being attacked by the whole world for doing this? If they settle historical scores like this, who would dare to support them?"

Feng shook his head and said, "Sir, you're mistaken. They're just using the name of the masses to intimidate everyone. Anyone who resists to the end will face historical reckoning. It's either sever all ties with the Qing Dynasty or watch the Qing Dynasty die. That's Wuhan's attitude right now."

Zhang Xun was merely a chicken used to scare the monkeys, while Cheng Xun and the Manchu city of Jiangning were out of touch with reality. The Manchu cities in Chengdu and Hangzhou had already been dismantled on their own, but Jiangning, located at the mouth of the Yangtze River, was still trying to resist. Wasn't this just courting death?

Wuhan defeated even the Russians, so why would they fear this small Manchu city on the banks of the Yangtze River? Their actions are essentially forcing us into confrontation with Wuhan. If a war breaks out, they won't care who dies. You, sir, want to be a loyal subject of the Qing Dynasty, but will the Manchus believe you?

Wei Guangtao was speechless for a moment. Just then, a trusted aide came to the door to report on the situation in the front yard. Upon hearing this, Wei Guangtao angrily questioned, "I gave you all the arrangements for the front yard, how could you still allow one of Zhang Xun's personal guards to go missing?"

The trusted aide quickly replied, "It wasn't that I made a mistake in my arrangements; it was that the people over there deliberately wanted me to release one person."

Wei Guangtao frowned, then waved his hand and said, "Send someone to watch the east gate and see what's going on at the Yuhuatai military camp. Have Xu Shaozhen send men to strengthen the defenses of the east gate. Without my order, no troops are allowed to enter the city..."

In a side courtyard of the front yard, Zhang Xun, bound hand and foot, glared fiercely at the two young men before him, shouting without fear, "Where is Lord Wei? I want to see Lord Wei! What crime have I committed? What right do you have to arrest me? I am the Governor-General of Jiangnan, appointed by the Imperial Court. Without an order from the court, even Lord Wei has no right to arrest me..."

Qin Yuliu carefully examined Zhang Xun. Although the man was over fifty, he did not appear to be a useless person ruined by wine and women. It had taken the guards quite a bit of effort to subdue him.

However, faced with Zhang Xun's questioning, he replied dismissively, "Don't you know what crime you've committed? You colluded with General Jiangning, planning to massacre Jiangning City. Why can't we arrest you? Honestly confess how you and Chengxun colluded, and you'll save yourself a lot of trouble."

Zhang Xun was furious upon hearing this. He retorted, "This is a frame-up! I am the Governor of Jiangnan, and Chengxun is the General of Jiangning. Jiangning is still under the jurisdiction of the imperial court. You dare to fabricate such a lie? I want to see Lord Wei. I don't want to talk to you. Go and inform him immediately!"

Seeing Zhang Xun's agitated state, Qin Yuliu could only shake his head and take a step back, then said to his companion, "It seems Lord Zhang doesn't want to communicate with me properly. The rest is up to you."

Domoto Keiichi nodded slightly to him with a calm expression, then replied in Mandarin with a Hankou accent, "Yes, Mr. Qin, leave the rest to me."

As Qin Yuliu turned and left, Domoto Keiichi then instructed his subordinates, "Lock them all up separately. Oh, and remember to untie Lord Zhang; don't mistreat him..."

Domoto Keiichi wasn't in a hurry to get a statement. He knew very well that Zhang Xun still harbored hope, and unless that hope was shattered, Zhang Xun wouldn't cooperate. Therefore, he needed to wait until Zhang Xun's hopes outside the city were completely dashed.

Zhang Xun's only hope outside the city was the few battalions of soldiers he had brought from the north. As a member of the Zhunli Clique, Zhang Xun naturally became a member of the Beiyang clique after Li Hongzhang's death. However, he was very senior in the Zhunli Clique and had troops under his command, so Yuan Shikai was not very at ease with him and found an opportunity to bring him to the south.

Zhang Xun's appointment as the Governor-General of Jiangnan in Nanjing not only distanced him from the core of the Beiyang clique, thus preventing him from challenging Yuan Shikai's position, but also represented the expansion of Beiyang power into the southeast. For Yuan Shikai, this was a win-win situation.

This was not a good thing for Zhang Xun himself or for the Hunan clique entrenched in the southeast, as two tigers cannot share one mountain. After the Taiping Rebellion was destroyed, the Hunan clique enjoyed a life of wealth and luxury in the southeast. Apart from Zuo Zongtang's forces, the others quickly became corrupt. Li Hongzhang was able to support Yuan Shikai in creating the Beiyang Army after the First Sino-Japanese War, but Liu Kunyi could only run new schools and couldn't find any talent to build a new army.

The Ninth Division of the Jiangsu New Army was historically closer to the Beiyang clique than to the Hunan clique. To counter the pressure from the Beiyang, Wei Guangtao had to heavily employ returned overseas students, resulting in the 33rd Regiment of the Ninth Division becoming almost entirely controlled by revolutionaries. While Wuhan and the Beiyang were fighting the Russians in the north, the Hunan clique could only cower in the southeast, shouting slogans.

The weakness of the Hunan clique presented Yuan Shikai with an opportunity. Furthermore, the foreign powers were unwilling to extend their influence from Wuhan into the lower reaches of the Yangtze River. This led to Zhang Xun's southward journey to assume the post of Governor-General of Jiangnan. Zhang Xun did not travel south alone; he brought eight battalions with him, which expanded to fifteen battalions after he took office in Nanjing, making his strength roughly equivalent to the Ninth Division of the Jiangsu New Army.

Aside from the Ninth Division and Zhang Xun's river defense army, the surrounding area of ​​Jiangning City consisted of the old Hunan Army and the Manchu Banner forces. The latter two forces were not really capable of fighting; they could only maintain local order.

As a result, the relationship between the Viceroy of Liangjiang and the Jiangnan Admiral and the Jiangning General became inexplicably tense. Both of them were worried that the Viceroy of Liangjiang would side with Wuhan, leaving them isolated in the south.

Wei Guangtao did not actually want to choose sides between Wuhan and Beiyang. The mainstream of the Hunan clique still hoped to maintain the status quo and continue to control the southeastern financial region. However, the Hunan clique was indeed declining in power. They did not have a capable army. Wei Guangtao was not Liu Kunyi. He did not have the prestige to suppress both sides and maintain peace.

Therefore, Wei Guangtao could only try to maintain a balance between Wuhan and the Beiyang Army. However, he lacked both strength and prestige, and his attempt to maintain this balance only incurred the dissatisfaction of both sides. Yuan Shikai's dispatch of Zhang Xun south and Wuhan's efforts to contact the Ninth Division of the New Army both cornered Wei Guangtao, forcing him to clarify his stance.

Wei Guang ultimately chose Wuhan, partly due to Nie Jigui's persuasion, and partly because Zhang Xun's military strength, coupled with the support of the entire city of Jiangning for Zhang Xun, had indeed provided him with significant assistance.

Although the accusation in Wuhan that Zhang Xun and the General of Jiangning conspired to massacre the city of Jiangning was completely fabricated, the connection between Zhang Xun and the General of Jiangning was real. This was the reason why Wei Guangtao had to make the difficult decision to eliminate Zhang Xun and the Manchus in Jiangning. Zhang Xun dared to pressure Wei Guangtao in Jiangning, not because he relied on the 7000-plus Manchus in Jiangning, but because of Wei Guangtao's 15 battalions of soldiers. He had put a lot of effort into training this army, and it was because of this army that he didn't care about the Ninth Division of the Jiangsu New Army. His usual efforts to win over his subordinates also made him believe that this army would not betray him.

Therefore, even though he was inexplicably arrested in the Jiangning Governor's Mansion, Zhang Xun showed no fear. Even if the Governor-General of Liangjiang really ordered his arrest, how could his subordinates accept it without a convincing charge? If his subordinates started a riot, what power would Wei Guangtao have to suppress it? Wouldn't he have to release him to appease the army? This was the source of Zhang Xun's confidence. Having experienced so much in Tibet and Nepal, Domoto Keiichi naturally understood what Zhang Xun was thinking. This was also why Lin Xinyi sent him to assist Qin Yuliu and Li Yuanhong in dealing with Zhang Xun and the Manchus of Jiangning. Therefore, after imprisoning Zhang Xun and his entourage, he silently waited for news from Li Yuanhong outside the East Gate.

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Chapter 532 Jiangning (2)

The official name of the Ninth Division of the Jiangsu New Army was the Ninth Division of the Nanyang Army. It consisted of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Brigades, and the Thirty-Third, Thirty-Fourth, Thirty-Fifth, and Thirty-Sixth Battalions. Its predecessor was the Jiangnan Wuwei New Army recruited and trained by Wei Guangtao. After Tie Liang was detained by the Wuhan Mutiny, Wei Guangtao recruited the new army under the pretext of preventing the Wuhan army from moving south. The imperial court had to retroactively approve it, but only changed its name.

However, Wei Guangtao was old and there was no successor for the Hunan clique. In the end, this army fell into the hands of the Jiangzhe people led by Xu Shaozhen. The 35th and 36th Regiments had been formed for less than a year. Only the 33rd Regiment was the earliest formed and had more revolutionaries. Therefore, it was full of vitality and could be regarded as the core force of the Ninth Division.

Yuan Shikai once wanted to send a part of the Ninth Division to the northern front to see the blood, partly to assess the strength of the Jiangsu New Army, and partly to take the opportunity to exert influence over the Ninth Division.

However, Wei Guangtao was ultimately unwilling to let Yuan Shikai squander these resources. This also explains the decline of the Hunan clique; they had lost their ambition and were only interested in preserving their existing assets. While Yuan Shikai also wanted to preserve the strength of the Beiyang clique, he was only somewhat willing to fight back against the advance from Wuhan, displaying a rather detached and reckless attitude.

Although Xu Shaozhen was a scholar who passed the imperial examinations, he entered officialdom by studying modern military science. After that, he continued to study the military systems, military science and weaponry of Western countries. Although he did not achieve much in military command, he did a good job in introducing modern Western military history to the domestic audience, and therefore his thinking was relatively open.

Xu Shaozhen's hometown, Guangdong, and the Jiangzhe region were historically the areas with the most frequent foreign exchanges. After the Qing Dynasty opened its doors to foreign powers, these regions quickly accepted Western culture. After all, by the late Ming Dynasty, these regions' handicraft economy had far surpassed that of other parts of the country. After the Qing Dynasty entered the pass, the population and economy of these regions suffered a severe blow. However, by the 19th century, the region had once again become a grain importing area, which meant that the population of Guangdong and Jiangzhe had exceeded the carrying capacity of local agriculture.

Therefore, the composition of revolutionaries in Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Guangdong was very complex, unlike the revolutionaries in the interior who were mainly composed of secret societies and progressive intellectuals. In these areas, there were also a large number of merchants and landlords who invested in industry and commerce who supported the revolution. However, these areas were the financial centers of the Qing Dynasty, so the Qing Dynasty had an exceptionally strong presence in these areas. As a result, the uprisings of revolutionaries in these areas were almost always quickly suppressed.

As a new army, the Ninth Division quickly broke away from the old army's scope because it recruited a large number of intellectuals. Revolutionary ideas became popular in the army, and although Xu Shaozhen knew this, he still adopted a laissez-faire attitude.

Although most members of the Ninth Division were inclined towards revolution, the total number of this new army did not exceed ten thousand. Although Wei Guangtao had the ambition to establish a separatist regime, he did not intend to cultivate a revolutionary army. Therefore, the Ninth Division was under close surveillance. In addition, with the support of the old army forces such as the Jiangfang Army, the Manchu Army of Jiangning, and the Ji Private Army, the Ninth Division usually kept a low profile.

This time was different. The conflict between the Viceroy of Liangjiang and the Jiangnan Admiral in charge of the Yangtze River defense and the Jiangning General representing the Manchus intensified. Wuhan also personally sent troops to deal with the Yangtze River defense battalion led by Zhang Xun. The revolutionaries of the Ninth Division immediately responded to the instructions of the people from Wuhan and prepared to cooperate with the Wuhan army to deal with the Yangtze River defense battalion.

Xu Shaozhen, having received orders from Wei Guangtao, personally went to take charge at Jubao Gate, the closest city gate from the Yuhuatai military camp to Jiangning, and Jubao was also the most prosperous commercial district in Nanjing.

Aside from his core battalion, Zhang Xun's river defense battalion consisted of recruits from diverse backgrounds during his southward campaign. Some were even local bandits, resulting in extremely poor discipline. Of course, Zhang Xun's elite troops were also notoriously undisciplined. Besides their fighting prowess, they were even more adept at harassing the common people. This was precisely the kind of army the court trusted. The Manchus, a small ethnic group ruling a large country, couldn't suppress a single ethnic group of hundreds of millions of people through their own strength. Therefore, they deliberately created ethnic, regional, and military-civilian conflicts to maintain their rule.

Once Zhang Xun's army learned that he had been unjustly arrested by the Governor-General of Liangjiang, a mutiny would be inevitable unless a powerful figure intervened to appease them. Whether or not Zhang Xun could be rescued was secondary; taking the opportunity to plunder was in line with the Qing army's habits. Regardless of whether Zhang Xun would be pardoned afterward, the mutinous troops would be unlikely to be punished, as the law does not punish the masses. After looting, if Zhang Xun truly could not return to take charge, and the newly appointed generals were not to their liking, then the soldiers could take their loot home or join other armies. As long as they had money, they could always find another way out.

When Wei Guangtao heard that some of Zhang Xun's close associates had run away, his first reaction was to guard the city gates and prevent Zhang Xun's men from entering the city. He was too familiar with the Qing army's tactics.

Nanjing was spared from war at the end of the Ming Dynasty, so its population remained close to one million until the Taiping Rebellion. After the Taiping Rebellion, the population of Nanjing plummeted to below 20, and did not exceed 23 until 1901. Compared with Suzhou and Shanghai, Nanjing had actually declined.

However, Nanjing's advantageous geographical location revitalized the city after the Taiping Rebellion. One reason was the Xiaguan Wharf in the north of the city; the arrival of overseas steamships shifted Nanjing's commercial center from the Confucius Temple area in the south to the Xiaguan Wharf in the north. Another reason was the emerging industrial zone outside Jubao Gate, where a cluster of Western-style factories, centered around the Jinling Machinery Manufacturing Bureau, gathered.

Although Shao Zhen was ordered to guard the city gates, he would not stand idly by and watch the factories and residential areas outside the city be looted by Zhang Xun's troops. After all, the number of troops sent by Wuhan was not large, otherwise Zhang Xun would have received the news long ago. Therefore, he ordered Zhao Sheng to lead the 33rd and 36th Battalions out of the city to protect the Jinling Machinery Manufacturing Bureau and assist Li Yuanhong's troops in blocking Zhang Xun's troops.

Jubao Gate is less than 4 kilometers from the Yuhuatai military camp, and the Jinling Machinery Manufacturing Bureau is just half a kilometer west of Jubao Gate. It's convenient for Zhang Xun's troops to enter the city through Jubao Gate. Zhao Sheng arranged for the 36th Battalion to be stationed at the Jinling Machinery Manufacturing Bureau and the surrounding factory area, while he himself, along with the 33rd Battalion, contacted Li Yuanhong's troops stationed in the southern part of the city. The main road leading to Jubao Gate was lined with rows of houses on both sides. Although not as dense as in the city, they formed streets and were not just open fields.

Despite Zhao Sheng's eagerness to assist, Li Yuanhong declined his offer, only requesting that the 33rd Regiment maintain order in the surrounding streets and help evacuate civilians from areas where fighting might break out, refusing to allow the 33rd Regiment to join the battle.

Li Yuanhong refused to let the Ninth Division join the battle because he didn't intend for it to be a defensive battle. The Wuhan Red Army of 1907 was essentially a completely different army from the Wuhan New Army of 1904. After several reorganizations, the Red Army's organization and tactical skills had moved beyond the era of firing squads.

Even in the recently concluded Far East War, the Japanese, Russian, and Beiyang armies almost entirely retained the operational principles of the Napoleonic Wars. It was only under the leadership of the Wuhan Red Army that these armies began to notice the impact of trenches, machine guns, and large-scale guerrilla warfare on the mode of warfare.

However, bystanders who did not personally participate in this war could hardly perceive that new weapons were forcing the army to adopt new tactics. As for some armed forces that did not even understand the modern military history of the West, apart from filling trenches and maintaining order, they were actually finding it difficult to integrate into the Red Army's tactics.

In Li Yuanhong's view, rather than having his unfamiliar Ninth Division join the battle and become an unstable factor on the battlefield, it would be better to let them simply stay on the sidelines as the general reserve. As long as he defeats Zhang Xun's troops who are attacking Jubao Gate, he can then use the Ninth Division to clean up the battlefield and seize the Yuhuatai camp.

Li Yuanhong's confidence did not stem from the fact that his forces outnumbered those of the Yuhuatai camp. Of Zhang Xun's fifteen battalions of river defense troops, three were stationed at the Pukou camp on the north bank of the river, two at the Zhijiang area near the Xiaguan wharf, and the remaining ten were stationed at the Yuhuatai camp, totaling about 4000 men. In contrast, the force he brought to Jubao was only one battalion, about five or six hundred men.

In terms of troop strength, Zhang Xun's troops at Yuhuatai Camp far outnumbered the forces in Wuhan outside Jubaomen. However, if their numbers hadn't been suppressed, they wouldn't have been able to quietly assemble there. Nevertheless, the Wuhan force was equipped with four armored vehicles, two mortar companies, and eight Mark II machine guns, giving them firepower exceeding that of an entire detachment of the Ninth Division.

The formation of this unit was based on the principles of the Marine Corps, advocating for the deployment of small units along the Yangtze River after controlling the river's waterway, then attacking or defending key points. If the situation deteriorated, they would retreat through the Yangtze River. Therefore, the unit emphasized firepower and tactics, but not manpower. Li Yuanhong also wanted to test how effective this unit was.

Not only were Zhang Xun's subordinates surprised, but even the officers and soldiers of the Ninth Division did not think that the small number of people in Wuhan could stop Zhang Xun's troops. After all, they never thought that armored vehicles and guns could exert much power. However, Li Yuanhong was very optimistic about the power of armored vehicles, because he thought that armored vehicles were like moving warships. If they could be equipped with cannons, the outcome of the battle would be even more certain.

Therefore, Li Yuanhong's battle plan revolved around attacking armored vehicles; he never even considered setting up barricades or engaging in positional warfare with Zhang Xun's troops. He believed that as long as Zhang Xun's men didn't bring out their artillery, he had no chance of losing the battle. And would a group of soldiers who wanted to plunder and create chaos really carry heavy artillery?

When the soldiers observing ahead reported back, Li Yuanhong received a positive answer: a large force had run out of the Yuhuatai camp, but he did not see any artillery units. Moreover, this detachment did not appear to be marching in formation; it was simply gathered together and swarming towards Jubaomen. The villages along the main road were the first to suffer. Even before the city gates were in sight, Zhang Xun's men had already begun looting civilian homes.

Li Yuanhong did not sit idly by and wait for these mutinous troops to come to his door. Instead, he ordered the Ninth Division to send someone in the name of the Governor-General of Liangjiang to demand that Zhang Xun's troops return to the main camp. He also said that Admiral Zhang was only detained by the Governor-General for questioning and should not believe the rumors and start a mutiny. Otherwise, he would severely punish those who caused trouble.

These words had almost no effect other than provoking Zhang Xun's subordinates. After discussing the matter, Zhang Xun's confidants, including Yin Zhengwan, Zhang Wensheng, Qian Guanghan, Chen Dexiu, and Li Shaochen, believed that the Governor-General of Liangjiang was trying to delay the war by not resolving the problem and only making them retreat to their camp. What if the Ninth Division was mobilized to encircle and suppress them later?

These men couldn't reach General Jiangning, and without external support, the Yuhuatai camp became an isolated force. Would the soldiers below dare to continue to oppose the Governor-General of Liangjiang, who represented the imperial court? Moreover, if these soldiers weren't allowed to plunder after leaving the camp, the Governor-General of Liangjiang would at least have to give them rewards; otherwise, who could forcibly escort the soldiers back to the camp?

Therefore, after receiving a warning from the Governor-General of Liangjiang, Zhang Xun's men not only did not return to their camp, but instead divided their troops into two groups: one group attacked the Jinling Machinery Manufacturing Bureau to seize weapons and ammunition, while the other group attacked Jubao Gate to seize the gateway to the city. Having set their objectives, the previously chaotic river defense forces began to resemble a fighting force.

Thinking of looting the city, the river defense troops, under the command of their generals, did regain some discipline. However, although these soldiers no longer left the main force to plunder the houses on both sides of the road, they began to set fires along the road to create chaos and vent their emotions.

Soon, the Red Army troops waiting at the crossroads heard shouts from the south: "Wash Jiangning City, rescue Commander Zhang!" Coupled with distant plumes of smoke, they knew the river defense forces were approaching without any scouts reporting back. For the Wuhan Red Army, years of reorganization and political education had ingrained them with their political identity as an army protecting the people.

If the fact that they came to Jiangning to participate in such a battle was somewhat puzzling, because they were unsure whether the battle would defend Wuhan, then the shouts of the Jiangfang Army and their atrocities of setting fire to civilian houses immediately stimulated the political identity of the Red Army soldiers, making them feel that fighting the Jiangfang Army was their responsibility. This was even more effective than the mobilization by the political commissars before the battle.

Standing atop a restaurant, observing the situation south of Tianjie Street, Li Yuanhong lowered his binoculars and, seeing a group of Qing troops surge into his view, ordered the communications soldier beside him: "Use the armored convoy as the vanguard, attack along the main street. Ignore the soldiers who have fled to the sides; launch an attack on the troops on the main road..."

After Li Yuanhong gave the order, four armored vehicles drove south along the main road in a 1-2-1 formation. The Jiangfang Army soldiers who were heading towards the Shixue Road intersection quickly spotted these four slow-moving monsters. They didn't know what they were, but they weren't afraid at first. Some of the bolder soldiers even crouched down and started firing.

However, the rifle bullets bounced off the steel plate in front of the car and did not stop it from moving forward. This strange scene finally made the soldiers at the front of the river defense army hesitate and want to stop and see what was going on. But the soldiers behind did not know what was happening in front of them. They just kept moving forward, and the soldiers in front of the armored car gradually became denser.

At a distance of nearly 200 paces, the cloth covering the rear of the armored vehicle was finally torn off, revealing the machine gun with its protective shield. The river defense soldier with the best eyesight, standing at the front, immediately recognized the Maxim machine gun on the vehicle. Just as someone warned his comrade in alarm, the machine gun on the armored vehicle opened fire.

Yin Gongxian and Zhang Wensheng were momentarily stunned by the sound of Maxim machine guns firing ahead, but they quickly saw their men scattering in panic, blood everywhere on the ground. The two were then swept up by the retreating soldiers and fled. The battle was over in a single exchange.

Initially worried about the overconfident soldiers of the Wuhan army, such as Zhao Sheng and the officers and soldiers of the Ninth Division, Bai Wenwei watched as armored vehicles charged unimpeded towards the large contingent of the river defense troops. The opposing force offered virtually no resistance, leaving only corpses strewn across the ground. Bai Wenwei couldn't help but say to Lin Zhixia beside him, "This isn't a battle, this is a massacre."

At 10:00 AM today, Zhang Xun was arrested at the Viceroy of Liangjiang's residence. Zhang Xun's entourage, who escaped, brought the news to the Yuhuatai camp around 12:00 PM. Before 3:00 PM, the river defense troops came out of the camp and spent about 40 minutes arriving at the crossroads where the Wuhan Red Army was stationed. However, in less than ten minutes, the river defense troops were scattered by armored vehicles.

Li Yuanhong's summary of this battle was: When infantry encounter armored vehicles on flat roads, they can neither defeat them nor escape them. The only things that can deal with armored vehicles are artillery and trenches. If the off-road capabilities of armored vehicles can be further improved, then on the plains of the north, a group of armored vehicles will be as invincible as a column of battleships.

The other column of river defense troops attacking the Jinling Machinery Manufacturing Bureau hadn't even formed ranks when they heard the bad news, so they also retreated in two groups back to the Yuhuatai camp. However, with the appearance of the Ninth Division's main force around the Yuhuatai camp, the river defense troops who had retreated to the camp quickly lost the courage to hold their ground. Of the more than 3000 men who went out, less than half returned. Besides those killed or captured by the Red Army, many river defense troops simply ran away and never came back.

At 6 p.m., Zhang Wensheng and other generals accepted the surrender of the Ninth Division and handed over the Yuhuatai camp. At 8 p.m., Li Yuanhong led his troops into Jubao Gate. Xu Shaozhen personally stood in front of the city gate to greet him, having already disregarded the order from the Governor-General of Liangjiang to seal the city gates.

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Chapter 533 Nanjing (1)

By 15:00, the results of the battle outside Jubao Gate had reached the Viceroy of Liangjiang's residence. Domoto Keiichi then took the interrogation records of Zhang Xun's entourage and the report on the battle results outside Jubao Gate to the room where Zhang Xun was being held.

Compared to the morning, Zhang Xun's emotions were much more stable at this moment. When Tang Benjing entered the room, he only glanced at him before continuing to sit upright in the armchair, gazing at the setting sun shining on the courtyard wall outside the window. The sunlight was already emitting a golden halo, shining on the ivy clinging to the brick wall, which had a unique charm.

Keiichi Domoto, being Japanese, actually quite enjoys appreciating the scenery of courtyards bathed in the setting sun, especially the sunset views within traditional Chinese courtyards. He finds them reminiscent of classical Chinese beauty, more tranquil and dignified than cramped Japanese courtyards. Coming from a relatively well-off Japanese family, he studied Chinese classics in his childhood, but after leaving school, he developed a strong affinity for Western culture. However, after this expedition from China to Tibet, he rediscovered his love for Chinese culture.

Seeing that Zhang Xun ignored him, Domoto Keiichi wasn't angry. He simply placed his things on the table and joined Zhang Xun in admiring the scenery outside the window. After a while, he sighed, "The ancients were right: 'The sunset is infinitely beautiful.' I never understood what was so beautiful about the sunset before, but today I understand a little better."

Even with Zhang Xun's composure, he couldn't help but turn and glance at Domoto, coldly asking, "What have you realized?" Domoto's heart sank; he knew Zhang Xun's resolve had wavered. Indeed, almost the entire day had passed, and the Governor-General of Liangjiang hadn't yet appeared. Even Zhang Xun himself wasn't sure what was going on outside. Ultimately, Zhang Xun lacked the courage to sacrifice himself for righteousness, which was why he had answered his question, wanting to understand the situation from him.

He lightly brushed off non-existent dust from his clothes and casually replied, "The beauty of this sunset lies in its impending descent. Seeing such a radiant sun about to sink into darkness, how can one not feel a sense of melancholy and desolation? It's like the Qing Dynasty is about to fall; I feel quite sorry for your fate, Commander Zhang."

Zhang Xun's eyelids twitched, but he retorted defiantly, "Our Great Qing Dynasty has ruled for over 200 years. Countless clowns have been wiped out by the imperial army. Even when the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom occupied half of the country, the Qing Dynasty was able to recover. Today, the situation is far less critical than it was then. How could the Qing Dynasty perish? I advise you not to be deceived and needlessly throw away your life. When exactly will Lord Wei be willing to see me?"

Domoto smiled slightly and changed the subject, saying, "If Lord Zhang can't see the situation clearly, then we have nothing more to say. Lord Wei probably won't have time to see you anymore. Your rebellion has already been defeated by our forces, and Lord Wei is currently busy appeasing the people of Jiangning and capturing your scattered soldiers. So, Lord Zhang, are you still not going to admit to the plot to massacre the city in collusion with the General of Jiangning?"

Upon hearing the charge again, Zhang Xun no longer felt anger, but rather a chill in his heart. In the morning, he was angry because he felt he was innocent and that he still had troops outside, so he was unwilling to back down. However, as the day passed, Wei Guangtao refused to show his face, which meant that the one who had wronged him was the Governor-General of Liangjiang. Moreover, his troops outside were said to have been defeated, which made it impossible for him to remain calm.

"This is slander! Who would believe such a lie if it were published? If Governor Wei wants to get rid of me, why would he give me such an absurd charge? We're all just people who work for the court. If Governor Wei can't tolerate me, Old Zhang, I can simply go back to Beijing. Why resort to such vicious methods? The feud between Governor Wei and General Jiangning has nothing to do with me, Old Zhang, and I have no power to interfere. But asking me, Old Zhang, to falsely accuse General Jiangning is something I, Old Zhang, will never do."