Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 156

While Saito Minoru's words were illogical, they perfectly aligned with the military's logic: soldiers only need to handle fighting, and all other issues are the government's responsibility; otherwise, what's the point of having a government? Faced with this logic, Lin Xinyi's analysis became useless, and the outcome was decided by who could shout the loudest.

Lin Xinyi glanced at Kawahara and Togo's expressions and knew that they were unlikely to be able to deal with Saito's military logic, which turned rational discussion into emotional venting, and that whoever was more stubborn was more likely to win in the end.

After a moment's thought, he broke the unspoken rules of the meeting and interrupted Saito, asking, "If the Navy Ministry's expansion plan succeeds, will the Navy, with its eight-eight fleet, be able to execute a southward strategy?"

Saito looked at Lin Xinyi with displeasure and said, "This is not a discussion that a lieutenant like you can participate in. You can leave now."

Lin Xinyi remained unmoved, simply looking at Saito and continuing, "As Vice-Minister Saito, who is responsible for formulating the future plans for the Navy, you only talk about the expansion plan and not the future goals of the Navy. As a member of the Navy, how can I not raise my doubts?"

Japan is a country with scarce resources, which means we have no chance to start over after making mistakes. Since I believe there is a better path to choose from, I naturally cannot help but question Vice-Minister Saito.

I have only offended your personal authority, yet you are now deciding the future of 4400 million Japanese people. As one of those 4400 million, am I not allowed to ask the Vice Minister where he intends to lead Japan?

Lin Xinyi paused for a moment, then looked around the meeting room before firmly saying, "Of course, if the officials present insist on kicking me out, then I will accept that order. But I will never give up questioning the future plans of the Navy Ministry, because this is not the Navy Ministry, nor is it a future destiny arrangement that you present can force the 4400 million citizens to accept."

His words offended the officers and councilors present, but they also gave Togo an opportunity to interject. "Lieutenant Hayashi's question is also reasonable. Since it is unlikely that Britain, France, Germany and the United States will attack our country in the short term, our current rush to expand is obviously for the purpose of the southward strategy. The Ministry of the Navy should certainly explain when the southward strategy should be implemented."

Togo's speech unveiled a direct confrontation between the Naval General Staff and the Ministry of the Navy. Even the relatively oblivious Matsumoto Kazuya sensed the crisis and fell silent. Saito weighed the situation in his mind and knew that continuing to avoid the issue would only give the Naval General Staff leverage to bring it up for judgment, ultimately leading to the victory of the Naval General Staff's new approach.

He glanced at the Minister of the Navy, Yamamoto, and without receiving clear instructions, could only explain, "The southward strategy will inevitably arouse the vigilance of Britain, the United States, and France. An 88-fleet is not enough to withstand the intervention of these three countries..."

No sooner had Saito finished speaking than Lin Xinyi impatiently pressed on, "Since the Eight-Eight Fleet isn't enough, then increase it to the Twelfth Fleet. Does Vice-Minister Saito think that will allow us to head south?"

Saito's anger finally flared up again. He glared at Lin Xinyi and snapped, "Can't you understand me? Expanding the navy takes time; there's no reason to go to war as soon as expansion is complete. With our national strength, it would take more than 10 years to build the Eight-Eight Fleet, and even if the Twelfth and Twelfth Fleets were completed, it would be twenty years from now. Whether or not to implement the southward strategy by then is not a question for me to consider..."

Lin Xinyi faced Saito without fear and said firmly, "This is the fundamental reason why I oppose the expansion of the navy. The southward strategy depends on the timing rather than the size of the navy. However, the time has come for the army's continental policy. If the army is expanded to 24 divisions, they will definitely launch a continental war."

Therefore, expanding military capabilities will only drag Japan into a continental war with the army, turning the navy into a vassal state of the army. The navy's expansion plan is only feasible under one condition: if the army is downsized and resources are concentrated on the navy. If Vice Minister Saito can persuade the army to accept such an expansion plan, then I think no one will question the Navy Ministry's development outline.

Saito felt his mind was being completely confused by the other party. How could the army possibly accept such a wishful plan? But just then, he heard Lieutenant General Yamauchi, the commander of the Wu Garrison, say: "If we had 24 divisions, the army could indeed do such a thing. Wasn't this great war led by the army? The army is not afraid of the Russian army with its millions of troops, so how could it be intimidated by a weak China?"

Sakamoto Toshitsu nodded in agreement, saying, "China is currently embroiled in internal strife. The Republicans in Wuhan, the Beiyang military regime, the Manchu and Mongol border forces, and the Kuomintang and constitutionalists in the south—these forces have yet to determine a victor. The army will undoubtedly want to take this opportunity to expand its influence on the mainland."

Judging from Wuhan's development, once the Republicans gain control, China will, as in history, enter a period of rapid development following a dynastic change. Time is on China's side, and the army cannot possibly be unaware of this. Lieutenant Lin's assessment is reasonable; expanding both the army and navy simultaneously will only increase the army's courage to take risks on the mainland.

The speeches by Yamauchi and Sakamoto interrupted the debate between Saito, Hayashi Nobuyoshi, and Togo, finally bringing the meeting into the discussion phase. Hayashi Nobuyoshi stepped back and did not interrupt again. However, his questioning of Saito ultimately led to the rejection of the Navy Ministry's development outline. Given the possibility that the Army might go its own way, it was better not to expand the military if they dared not launch a southward expansion strategy.

Even Goro Ijuin, the head of the Naval Construction Headquarters, expressed his support for the idea of ​​improving Japan's industrial base from the perspective that civilian industry could supplement military industry.

The officers' speeches, like a burst dam, gradually eroded the authority of the Ministry of the Navy. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe knew that continuing the discussion was futile, so he declared, "Let's conclude the discussion on the future path of the Navy here. Everyone has discussed it thoroughly. Next, we should inquire about the opinions of the entire Navy. This concerns the future of both the Navy and the Empire, so we should proceed with caution. Now, let's discuss the second agenda item. Those not involved may leave..."

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe used his power to preside over the meeting to forcibly end the discussion on the new naval roadmap. However, this could not salvage the Ministry of the Navy's dominance, since Minister Yamamoto could not indefinitely postpone his decision on the postwar naval development plan.

However, this meeting completely shattered Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's expectations of Hayashi Nobuyoshi. Hayashi's performance at the meeting effectively eliminated any possibility of him being recruited. Therefore, upon returning to the Ministry of the Navy, Yamamoto instructed Saitō to retrieve Hayashi Nobuyoshi's personnel file. Regardless of the Naval General Staff's attempts to become independent, the Navy's personnel authority remained with the Ministry of the Navy, so Hayashi Nobuyoshi's promotion would be decided by the Ministry of the Navy's Personnel Bureau.

After delivering Hayashi Nobuyoshi's personnel file to Yamamoto Kaisō's office, Saito added, "The Naval General Staff has supplemented Hayashi Nobuyoshi's resume with his experiences over the past three years and is requesting his promotion to major. In any case, this speed of promotion is astonishing; I think it's necessary to reject the Naval General Staff's request..."

Yamamoto flipped through Lin Xinyi's file expressionlessly, but asked in return, "Why should we fight back?"

Saito looked at the Minister of the Navy in surprise, wondering why he would ask such a question. Even without considering Lin Xinyi's offense to the authority of the Ministry of the Navy, it was unreasonable for Lin Xinyi to skip the captain and be promoted directly to lieutenant commander. It takes eight years for a naval lieutenant to become a lieutenant commander, even if the process is smooth. Lin Xinyi completed the process in half the time. They could have easily suppressed him.

In Saito's view, the Naval General Staff's request to promote Hayashi Nobuyoshi to lieutenant commander wasn't out of genuine concern; it was merely a desire to avoid offending this rising star in the navy. After all, based on merit, Lin Feng, who had captured a British general, had already been promoted to colonel by the British. The Naval General Staff couldn't very well keep Hayashi Nobuyoshi as a captain; that wouldn't be a reward but an insult.

While Saito was pondering, Yamamoto Kaisei finally continued, "I think the rank of Major is too low. If it were during the period of the overthrow of the shogunate, he would at least be able to stand on his own and be at the level of Kuroda, the elder statesman."

Saito paused for a moment before whispering, "But this is not the time of the overthrow of the Tokugawa shogunate. The navy has its own system. How can we let the Naval General Staff do whatever it wants?"

Yamamoto put down the file and looked at Saito, saying, "Since he is a talented person, he should be promoted as soon as possible. We can't let him hide behind Kawahara and Togo anymore. How can he make mistakes if he doesn't take responsibility?"

The army, like a bunch of horse manure, fell into a pit without even knowing who dug it, and now they're staring around like headless flies. Do you think they can handle Lin Xinyi hiding in the shadows like this?

Saito was truly speechless now. Indeed, Hayashi Nobuyoshi was no longer someone the Navy Ministry could control. At most, they could hinder his promotion, but they couldn't stop him from using the power of Kawahara, Togo, or even Ito Sukeyuki to achieve his plans. Simply put, he had already amassed power beyond his original duties, and forcibly suppressing him would only invite sabotage from the shadows, making him even more difficult to defend against.

Yamamoto tapped on Lin Xinyi's file and said, "Put him in the sunlight and let him experience the heat of power."

Rising, Yamamoto walked to the window and looked out at the distant palace walls. He murmured, "If he can pull through, then the future of the Navy will surely be in his hands. I have no regrets..."

Chapter 552

On November 8th, General Zhirui of Ili was assassinated by the Gelaohui (a secret society) during a military inspection. The officials and people of Ili quickly formed the Xinjiang Parliament and telegraphed the interior, declaring their support for the republic. Although Xinjiang became a province in 1884, with its capital in Dihua (Urumqi), the status of Huiyuan City, where the Ili General was stationed, was greatly diminished. However, Xinjiang's military strength remained firmly rooted in the nine cities of Ili.

The then-Governor of Xinjiang was Wu Yinsun. Originally, the Manchus intended to replace him with a Manchu, but following the coup in Beijing, the Governor-General of Shaanxi and Gansu was replaced by Yang Shixiang. Wu Yinsun then aligned himself with Yang Shixiang, thus securing his position. Faced with the mutiny in Ili, Wu Yinsun had no intention of avenging Zhirui. He was an enlightened bureaucrat who believed that the Qing Dynasty would inevitably collapse if it did not establish a constitutional monarchy soon, and that Zhirui had his own way of committing suicide.

Although there were members of the Togo Lao Society among the Han Chinese troops in Ili, there were actually very few revolutionaries. With the Han and Hui armies checking and balancing each other, and the Manchus providing oversight, the situation in Ili was relatively peaceful. The only thing that made the people and soldiers of Ili uneasy was the oppression from Tsarist Russia. To prevent Tsarist Russia from continuing its expansion into Xinjiang, the people and soldiers of Ili advocated for the maintenance of national unity. Therefore, they had little affection for the court that ceded territory to appease them, and were quite sympathetic to ideas such as constitutionalism and revolution.

Therefore, with Emperor Guangxu's return to power, Wuhan and the Beiyang Army joined forces to suppress the Manchu group and resist Russian invasion, making the people and soldiers of Yili inclined towards this somewhat irregular State Council meeting. Although Zhirui was of noble status, he had lost the support of the people at the bottom of Yili. However, he still tried to save the Manchu dynasty from collapse and even had the idea of ​​relocating Manchus to Yili to rebuild the country.

Therefore, Zhi Rui began to de-Sinicize Yili. First, he formed a general's guard composed mainly of Manchus and Huis and placed the guards in various battalions in an attempt to control the various armies in Yili. Second, he abolished the Xinjiang Military Academy, blocking the upward mobility of the lower ranks of the army. Third, he recruited Manchus to establish a new army to guard Huiyuan City.

These actions created a rift between the Manchu forces represented by Zhirui and the local Hui and Han people, and accelerated the local Hui and Han military and civilians' shift towards republicanism. The republican telegram launched in Wuhan had a more significant impact in Xinjiang than in the interior. Zhirui worried that the Han army in Ili would support a mutiny in Wuhan, so he began to repatriate Han officers and soldiers he considered unreliable. However, he refused to provide them with travel expenses and resettlement funds, and even demanded the return of the leather coats and trousers issued by the army.

If Zhi Rui's assertive style were still in place within the central government, these Han Chinese officers and soldiers might have had to tolerate it to some extent. After all, Xinjiang was not their homeland, and a Han Chinese mutiny there would be like water without a source, making it easy for the court to mobilize troops to suppress them. However, now that the central government's authority had been lost, the Beiyang and Wuhan military groups were clearly not supporting the Manchus, and the Nanjing Mutiny had further strengthened the Han Chinese forces. The Han Chinese officers and soldiers in Yili felt they had support in the interior, and their desire to resist surged.

The assassination of Zhirui completely shattered the Manchus' illusion of establishing a state on the frontier. It also tore apart the last layer of warmth between the Han soldiers and civilians and the Manchus. The racial conflict between the Manchus and Han people overwhelmed all other conflicts. The Manchu cities in various places could no longer trust the Han people outside the city, while the Han people were also afraid of the local Manchu cities. Both sides were eager to disarm each other in order to seek psychological security.

Although there were no military fortresses like Manchu cities outside the Great Wall to suppress local forces, Han Chinese immigrants had already made up the majority of the population there. Compared to the interior, there was far less ethnic conflict between the Manchus and Han Chinese outside the Great Wall. However, conflicts still existed between the Manchus outside the Great Wall and those inside. Because the Qing Dynasty had maintained a policy of isolation and prohibition over the area outside the Great Wall for more than two hundred years, the Manchus outside the Great Wall not only did not enjoy the benefits brought by the Manchus as the ruling class, but also had to continuously supply new blood to the Manchus inside the Great Wall. In order to ensure that the Manchus outside the Great Wall maintained their simple and unrefined customs, the Qing court also prohibited them from engaging in economic development.

Following the Treaty of Beijing, Beijing sold out a large amount of frontier land and special interests in Northeast China to Russia. It then allowed Russia to build the Eastern Provinces Railway, enabling Russian military forces to penetrate deep into Manchuria. As a result, the Manchus outside the Great Wall became completely disillusioned with Beijing and turned to the ideals of resisting Russia and building a national republic.

From November 1st to November 9th, various regions in southern Manchuria sent telegrams to Beijing in support of convening a National Assembly to discuss the establishment of a republic. They believed that Emperor Guangxu should abdicate voluntarily and not go against the will of the people. They also declared that Manchuria belonged to China, not to the Qing Dynasty. If Emperor Guangxu intended to return to Manchuria, they would obey the will of the people and refuse him permission to leave the country.

On November 10th at noon, Emperor Guangxu summoned representatives of the National Assembly and journalists, stating that he had no intention of going against the will of the people. He also expressed that he had always felt uneasy about the excessive killings committed by the Manchus when they entered the Central Plains, and therefore hoped to exchange his abdication for reconciliation between the Manchu and Han peoples.

On the morning of November 11, Emperor Guangxu summoned Yuan Shikai, Chairman of the State Council, and Qin Lishan, a representative to the National Assembly, and presented them with the abdication edict. He also decided to hand over the Forbidden City, the Shengjing Palace, and the imperial estates throughout the country to the state for administration. Thus, the Qing Dynasty, which had lasted for over 200 years, came to an end.

In just over half a month, the Qing Dynasty stepped down from the political stage. There was no large-scale civil war as foreigners had predicted, not even a small-scale one, which caught many countries off guard.

When Lin Xinyi saw the breaking news from China, he and Domoto were traveling by carriage to the Ministry of Justice. Domoto wasn't particularly shocked by the news, but he found it somewhat unbelievable. "I remember when we arrived in China a few years ago, everyone still wore long braids, and some intellectuals considered constitutionalism the best way to save the country. I never imagined that in just a few years, everyone in this country would be a believer in republicanism. They're so fickle!"

Lin Xinyi, without looking up from the newspaper, said, "They didn't start changing from the Wuhan Mutiny, they started changing from the time of the Opium War. It's just that China is so much bigger than Japan, so this change seems very slow. The current situation is just a result of the change in people's thinking over the past few decades, not a process."

Domoto Keiichi thought about it and agreed that it made a lot of sense. However, the situation in China didn't affect him much at the moment, so he quickly focused his attention on his new job. "The cultural studies department has just been established. Shouldn't we be looking for those cultural figures to study how to promote the naval battle? What can we do at the Ministry of Justice?"

Lin Xinyi put away the newspaper and earnestly spoke to Domoto: "While publicizing the naval battle is important, what's most important to us is how to carve out our own share of the pie in the new naval strategy. Cultural education is just one fulcrum for our efforts, not the whole picture. Although the Ministry of Justice doesn't have as much power as the Ministry of Home Affairs, it's still a powerful department that controls the police, prosecutors, and courts. If we want to make moves in the local areas, we can't afford not to maintain good relations with the Ministry of Justice..."

Hiranuma Kiichiro was somewhat surprised that Hayashi Shin-yi had come to him, but he still greeted the former minister's junior warmly and kindly asked Hayashi Shin-yi if he needed to ask Hayashi Yoshimichi to see him on his behalf.

Lin Xinyi stood at the window admiring the scenery outside the Ministry of Justice, and said, "Oh, I came here specifically to visit Director Hiranuma. There's no need to bother Senior Yuan."

Hiranuma thought for a moment, then said, somewhat understanding, "You mean that matter, right? The former minister has already communicated with all parties, but the Metropolitan Police Department hasn't responded yet..."

Lin Xinyi turned around, looked at Hiranuma, and said with a smile, "There won't be any problems with Director Anle. I've already asked someone else to put in a good word for him. The Ministry of Justice just needs to issue an official document to give the Metropolitan Police Department a name, and that will be enough."

Hiranuma Kiichiro was taken aback, realizing he had underestimated the young man before him. He had initially thought that Hayashi Nobuyoshi's request to Hara Yoshimichi stemmed from having no other choice, but now it seemed the man was simply trying to avoid trouble. Director Anraku Kenmichi was a key figure in the Satsuma clique, and Hayashi Nobuyoshi's ability to persuade him meant that the person he was asking for help must be of a position no lower than Anraku's, implying that the person possessed connections no less powerful than Hara Yoshimichi or Ogawa Heikichi.

It's no wonder that Hara Yoshimichi acted so intimately in the presence of such a person. Just as Hiranuma was speculating about the power behind Hayashi Shin'ichi, he heard the other party say, "I came to visit Director Hiranuma today on behalf of the Naval General Staff's Cultural Division to request some assistance from the Ministry of Justice."

Hiranuma Kiichiro didn't know much about the internal structure of the Military General Staff, but he was also a little curious about the name "Cultural Affairs Department". However, after thinking about the person that Hara Yoshimichi and Ogawa Heikichi had introduced to him, he dismissed his doubts about Hayashi Shin's identity and asked instead, "What kind of assistance can the Ministry of Justice provide to your Military General Staff?"

Lin Xinyi smiled and corrected him, "It's the Cultural Section of the Military Command. It's a newly established institution whose purpose is to publicize the Navy's performance in this war, so that the people know how hard the Navy has worked and how hard-won its achievements are, and also to let the people know where their tax money is actually spent. Simply put, it's to maintain good relations between the military and the people."

"Oh, oh..." Hiranuma nodded repeatedly. Although he still didn't understand what maintaining military-civilian relations meant, it didn't stop him from supporting the military forces represented by Hayashi Shin-yi. "So what can I do for you?"

Lin Xinyi also sensed Hiranuma's overtures, so he simply said, "Propaganda is about letting the people understand the Navy's true intentions. However, the intellectual class in the population prefers to learn about the news through newspapers and magazines, while the lower class prefers to learn about novel things through entertainment activities. The entertainment activities that the lower class likes are mostly controlled by yakuza elements."

Therefore, in order to establish a reliable communication channel with the public as soon as possible, I would like to obtain some information on yakuza organizations from the Ministry of Justice. It would be even better if Director Hiranuma could recommend some local Tokyo yakuza organizations. Of course, we do not want this matter to be publicized. Could Director Hiranuma please keep this a secret for us?

Yakudo were essentially wandering samurai during the Edo period. These samurai, who lost their official positions for various reasons, eventually became henchmen of various domain daimyo and merchants, causing a great stir during the late Edo period. They not only joined the anti-shogunate domains to assassinate shogunate officials, but also joined the shogunate to assassinate anti-shogunate patriots.

After the victory of the anti-shogunate faction, the wandering samurai who had joined the anti-shogunate coalition once thought that they could obtain an official position in the new government and thus escape their precarious lives. However, the modernization reforms adopted by the Meiji Restoration government expelled these wandering samurai from the government and the army, thus creating an antagonism between the samurai class and the new government. This is the origin of the Satsuma Rebellion.

Following the Satsuma Rebellion, the number of wandering samurai forced to abandon their homes and livelihoods increased again. Due to the severe crackdown by the Meiji government in Japan, these ronin fled to Korea, China, and other places, becoming the famous mainland ronin. After leaving Japan, these ronin actually improved relations with the army and colluded with the army to gather intelligence in their respective regions, thus making contributions to the Sino-Japanese War.

It was through this war that these ronin finally found their way out: to tie themselves to the war machine of imperialism and gain wealth and status through wars of aggression. However, Japan's modernization was a brutal plunder of the countryside. As farmers went bankrupt, the number of ronin from non-samurai backgrounds increased. Lacking the courage and ability to venture to the mainland, they could only oppress ordinary people in big cities. Thus, in addition to the government, another underworld society emerged, relying on violence to establish order in the city—this is the origin of the Yakuza.

Unlike the earlier wandering samurai who attempted to interfere in national politics, the yakuza organizations in the city today are primarily driven by financial gain. Although they may have some political ideologies, their interest in politics has diminished since the Genyosha was wiped out by the government. Of course, the government and political parties haven't given up on maintaining relationships with these yakuza organizations. The Metropolitan Police Department needs them to gather intelligence and suppress labor movements, while political parties need these so-called "brave warriors" to protect them during elections.

At this time, the election of Japanese parliamentarians was still in a state of chaos. Not only did local powerful families control the voting rights in the countryside, but voting in the city was also often threatened by these yakuza organizations. In order to protect the voters who supported them, candidates for parliament needed “brave men” to protect them when they went to the countryside to give speeches and protect the voters’ “free” right to vote.

It can be said that the Yakuza were an indispensable part of Japanese society at that time. If you wanted to bypass the Yakuza and deal directly with the lower classes, you would either be driven out of the Yakuza's territory or the people would stay away from you under the intimidation of the Yakuza.

After obtaining the information from Hiranuma, on the way back in the carriage, Hayashi Shinichi said to Domoto, "You and Kishida should investigate the relationship between these yakuza organizations and the army, and select a few obedient ones to help them improve their organizations."

In the short term, I asked these organizations to support the army in continuing the war and to promote Katsura Taro's rhetoric among the people of Tokyo, giving them the impression that in the current cabinet, Minister Katsura is a hardliner, Prime Minister Ito is a compromiser, that it was Minister Katsura's insistence that won the war, and that Prime Minister Ito was merely reaping the benefits; that only Minister Katsura could shoulder the responsibility for the army and the future of Japan.

Domoto Keiichi said with a hint of reluctance, "Wouldn't this be going too far? If Minister Katsura is really pushed into the position of Prime Minister and holds onto it, wouldn't we be shooting ourselves in the foot?"

Lin Xinyi shook his head and said easily, "There is no such possibility. The chance of persisting in the war, expanding the war, and then achieving victory is smaller than a comet hitting the earth. Katsura Taro can drag Japan into the war, but this war will only completely destroy the army. For the navy, it is actually the best choice, because we can completely rebuild the new Japan and completely exclude the army from the core of power in the new Japan."

Domoto Keiichi was speechless. He didn't have the heart of Hayashi Shin-yi, who could remain unmoved by a war that would destroy Japan, and was only concerned with how the navy could rebuild Japan.

Lin Xinyi ignored Domoto's feelings and continued, "Considering that a large number of soldiers will inevitably retire after the war ends, there is not much way for these people to return to the countryside. The best solution is to let them stay in the city to work."

Navy veterans have little to worry about because most of them have skills, but army soldiers recruited from rural areas have almost no skills, and the only jobs they can do in the city are in construction.

Currently, most of the city's civil engineering projects are controlled by yakuza organizations. If we let this go unchecked, those retired soldiers will be controlled by these yakuza organizations and become supporters of the army, which is obviously detrimental to us.

Therefore, if we want to disband the army divisions that were added during the war, and at the same time reduce the army's influence in the civilian sector, we must find a way out for these retired army soldiers. In other words, we must control civil engineering projects and ensure that yakuza organizations in Tokyo or other areas do not become vassals of the army.

What you and Kishida need to research is how to guide these yakuza organizations to control the construction industry in Tokyo and keep them firmly tied to us…”

Chapter 553

For Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, the week following the generals' meeting was the most stressful week of his life. He felt that the level of tension was almost the same as when the naval personnel reform was first implemented, something he hadn't experienced in many years.

What's worse than that is that when the personnel reforms were being forcibly pushed forward, he still had Saigo Tsugumichi, the leader of Satsuma, to rely on, so the pressure he felt wasn't that urgent. But this time, at the general officers' meeting, the Naval General Staff was pushing for a new naval policy, and he was to become the pillar of his own faction. All the pressure was on his shoulders, and there was no one else he could rely on.

Once the Naval General Staff's new naval roadmap replaces the Navy Ministry's future development guidelines, it means that in the next ten or twenty years, the Naval General Staff will truly become the new core of the Navy, and the Navy Ministry's power will be gradually swallowed up by the Naval General Staff. The unified naval policy that it has always insisted on will then be declared a failure.

Compared to whether the new naval strategy would bring more benefits to the navy, Yamamoto actually adhered more firmly to his unified naval ideology. If this ideology were rejected, it would mean his very foundation within the navy would be shaken. There's a Chinese saying: "When the big tree falls, the monkeys on it all run away." If his "big tree" falls, will his supporters in the navy still continue to support him?

Therefore, after the meeting, Yamamoto had Saito convey the news that the Naval General Staff was trying to reduce armaments after the war to Togo and others in the Combined Fleet. This was something he himself was most averse to, since the unification of the navy meant maintaining the unconditional obedience of subordinates to superiors. If subordinates frequently objected to the decisions of superiors, what would be the point of the unification of the navy?

However, after the Ministry of the Navy was besieged by various departments, Yamamoto was forced to go against his own principles and attempt to use the power of the fleet's officers to oppose the decisions made by the central naval authorities. As he had predicted, compared to the central departments' concern for the future of the navy, the fleet's officers were more concerned about whether their own interests would be harmed.

The Navy's new policy, which aimed to reduce armaments after the war, left the officers and soldiers in the fleet feeling that while they were fighting desperately on the front lines, the bureaucrats in the central government had dealt them a blow, causing widespread resentment. Commander-in-Chief of the Combined Fleet, Togo Heihachiro, telegraphed Saito Makoto, stating that the entire Combined Fleet could not accept decisions made on a whim by a group of bureaucrats sitting in their offices, and he requested to return to Tokyo to reason with the bureaucrats of the Naval General Staff.

Togo's call finally relieved the Navy Ministry of its isolation. As a wartime organization, the Combined Fleet now wielded considerable influence. In fact, the various naval agencies were now assisting the Combined Fleet in its operations, rather than commanding it. After all, once at sea, the Combined Fleet could no longer rely on shore-based bureaucrats to direct its operations.

In fact, according to legal principles, after the Combined Fleet was formed, it was no longer under the command of the Ministry of the Navy and the Naval General Staff. Its superior unit was the Wartime General Headquarters, which was directly under the command of the Emperor. Of course, the Emperor would not directly issue orders to the Army and Navy. Therefore, the Army and Navy were commanded by the General Staff Headquarters, which represented the Emperor. Naturally, the Army and Navy would each send people to serve as the Emperor's staff and command their own units.

Therefore, as the commander-in-chief of the Combined Fleet, Togo now had the power to speak directly to the Emperor, and held a position equal to that of the Minister of the Navy and the Chief of the Naval General Staff. If the Naval General Staff could not persuade Togo Heihachiro to accept the decision to reduce military equipment, Togo could even bring the matter to the Emperor's attention, which would be a huge loss of face for the Navy.

Of course, Togo could do this, since the position of Commander-in-Chief of the Combined Fleet was temporary, but Yamamoto couldn't. It would only make the navy look down on him, believing he lacked ability and was resorting to pressure from the Emperor. With this trump card in hand, Yamamoto decided to have a serious talk with Prime Minister Ito. He didn't want the outside world to know he had lost control of the navy until the very last moment.

On the afternoon of November 18, after the cabinet's regular Monday meeting, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe suddenly challenged Army Minister Katsura Taro, asking, "Minister Katsura, why are there so many criticisms of the Navy by the Army in the newspapers lately? What exactly does the Army want to do?"

Katsura Taro glanced up at Minister of the Navy Yamamoto across the conference table, and out of the corner of his eye, he also noticed the curious looks from the other ministers who were about to get up and leave. He replied calmly and respectfully, "I don't understand why Minister Yamamoto is criticizing the Army. To be honest, wasn't it the Navy that criticized the Army first in the newspapers? What do you mean by saying that because the Army missed the opportunity to capture Harbin, the Navy's excellent situation was ruined?"

Minister of the Navy Yamamoto retorted without backing down, "Didn't the Navy complete all the objectives set before the war? Wasn't Harbin the key location the Army intended to decide the land battle? It was precisely because the Army failed to capture Harbin as planned that we were unable to force the Russian army to completely surrender, thus allowing the Chinese and Russians to collude and putting the Empire in a dilemma. Isn't that the truth?"

Katsura Taro was deeply frustrated by Yamamoto Kaisei's words. He desperately wanted to accuse the other man of making utter nonsense. If pre-war plans could be realized, then what was the point of soldiers risking their lives on the battlefield? Wouldn't it have been enough to just make plans?

However, the Russian navy performed so well in this war that it was underestimated by the great powers. How bad was the Russian navy that it could be defeated by the Japanese navy? This was the evaluation of the Russian navy by various countries after the war. As a result, the Russian people were extremely angry with the bureaucrats of the Russian Navy and the royal family, believing that it was not that the navy was not capable of fighting, but that the navy's funds had been embezzled by the bureaucrats.

The army's performance on the battlefield was actually quite outstanding. Before the war, there was a general sense of fear among the army personnel towards the Russian army, after all, the Russian army had defeated Emperor Napoleon and was a top-tier army in Europe. Therefore, when the army personnel went into battle, they were all fighting with a death wish.

The outcome of this war was that it dispelled the army's superstition about the military might of white people. The legendary Russian soldiers, fearless of death, would flee or surrender when faced with hand-to-hand combat, instead of fighting to their last breath without any emotion, as the army had imagined. Of course, the Russian army's command capabilities were still not to be underestimated, and the Russian army was not like the armies of Qing China or Korea, which would collapse entirely after a single defeat.

The resilience of the Russian army was an aspect that the ground forces had not paid much attention to before the war, but it taught them a profound lesson. This is why the ground forces were unable to capture Harbin and the area west of Harbin as planned before the war. Although the ground forces also achieved victories, they did not achieve the complete victory that the navy had.

It was precisely because the navy performed so brilliantly in this war that the army became extremely wary of the navy. In order to prevent the navy from dominating the empire's defense direction after the war, Kodama Gentaro in the Manchurian Army and Yamagata Aritomo in Tokyo began to plan a post-war military expansion plan. Katsura Taro did not actually agree with doing so.

In his view, although this war greatly enhanced Japan's international standing, it also nearly depleted the accumulation since the Meiji Restoration. The public's discontent was already palpable, and it would be difficult to keep the people from starving and supporting the expansion of the military. After all, Japan had already defeated its two major neighbors who threatened it. Who else could the military find to continue to intimidate the people and make them endure?

Therefore, Katsura Taro advocated cooperating with the government to slow down the expansion of the military and allow the people to catch their breath. However, Katsura Taro was, after all, a branch of the army, and he could not go against the overall will of the army. He also had to submit to the army's desire to oppress the navy.

When reporters interviewed him, he naturally sided with the Army and refuted the Navy's false statements. What he hadn't expected was that the reporters seemed to take his words seriously, frequently using titles like "Minister Katsura" in their newspapers and thoroughly criticizing some of the Navy's claims. Fortunately, the Navy's statements were scattered, and most commentators remained anonymous. Katsura Taro's criticisms didn't cause any serious public outcry, but they did maintain the Army's image. Therefore, Katsura Taro naturally didn't care about the disputes in the newspapers.

Yamamoto came to cause trouble with the controversy in the newspaper, and Katsura Taro felt that the other party was making a mountain out of a molehill. However, just as he was thinking of how to refute the other party's words, Prime Minister Ito suddenly spoke up, "Minister Yamamoto, it's best to refrain from saying things that are detrimental to the unity of the army and navy. The controversy in the newspaper is nothing but rumors from the public. It would be a joke if we took it seriously. Let's end the meeting here today. Everyone go back to your own business. There's no need to waste time on rumors from the public."

Although he didn't know why Prime Minister Ito had stopped Yamamoto from attacking him, Katsura Taro accepted Prime Minister Ito's good intentions, stopped arguing with Yamamoto, and took his leave of the meeting room.

However, Yamamoto Kaisho did not leave with the others. Instead, he followed Prime Minister Ito to the Prime Minister's office. Once they were alone, he said to Ito in a serious tone, "Your Excellency, the Army has always had the intention of suppressing the Navy. If it weren't for the Emperor's support, the Navy would not have been able to break away from the Army's leadership after the Satsuma Rebellion."

In this major battle, our navy deserves the greatest credit. The past system where the army held a superior position should no longer be maintained. The navy and army should achieve true equality, and we should gain an independent voice in defense policy, no longer being constrained by the army as before.

Ito Sukeyuki nodded slightly, seemingly agreeing with Yamamoto Gonbei, but he quickly added, "I know what you mean, Yamamoto, the Navy can no longer tolerate this."

However, the war is not over yet, the internal strife in Russia has not subsided, and China has overthrown the millennia-old imperial system and is planning to establish a republic, causing many dissenting thoughts to emerge among our people. We now need to consider the overall domestic and international situation and maintain the stability of the government.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe calmly replied, "To consider the overall situation, we must first maintain stability within the Navy. We are currently facing pressure from the Army from the outside, and some people from within are trying to weaken the Navy's strength. If we cannot handle this properly, I am afraid that the Navy will catch fire first."

Ito Sukeyuki finally understood what Yamamoto wanted to tell him: Yamamoto wanted him to abandon his support for the Naval General Staff, thereby suppressing the Navy's new direction. However, reducing military spending was merely a way for him to protect himself, and he could not possibly accept Yamamoto's suggestion.

With selfish motives in his heart, Ito could no longer open his heart to Yamamoto, and he even had to be wary of Yamamoto sabotaging his plans. After pondering for a few moments, Ito spoke up: "The Navy should indeed be united, but we cannot simply treat a temporary reduction in military equipment as a long-term policy. Navy Minister Yamamoto should consider the overall situation of the Navy."

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was displeased with Itō's bias, so he had to resort to his trump card: "It's not that I don't care about the overall situation of the navy, but the fleet's officers are dissatisfied with the reduction of armaments. Commander-in-Chief Togo even intends to return to Tokyo alone to discuss this matter again. After all, he did not attend the last meeting of officers, and he finds it hard to accept this decision."

After a long silence, Ito hesitated and said, "This is not appropriate. During wartime, how can the Commander-in-Chief of the Combined Fleet return to Kyoto without orders from the General Headquarters? This is irresponsible to himself, irresponsible to the Navy, and it gives the Army an opportunity to criticize the Navy out of thin air. Tell Togo not to act rashly. He can raise his thoughts on the proposal to reduce armaments after the Combined Fleet returns and is disbanded."

Yamamoto then tentatively asked, "Does Your Excellency mean that the decision to reduce military equipment will be temporarily shelved?"

Ito vaguely stated, "Our current priority is resolving the peace issue in Northeast Asia; all other issues must take a backseat. You can convey this to Togo..."

Yamamoto, satisfied with the promise, finally took his leave. Ito watched his retreating figure, a hint of guilt creeping into his eyes. If it weren't for the fact that it concerned his own future, he shouldn't have kept this from Yamamoto, the Minister of the Navy. It was actually a violation of the code of conduct for a soldier.

However, Ito quickly reassured himself that these things were all planned by Hayashi Shinichi, and he was just copying what he had done. It couldn't be considered that he deliberately concealed things from Yamamoto. Besides, didn't Yamamoto himself have his own selfish motives? If he really didn't have any selfish motives, he wouldn't have needed to bring up the officers of the Combined Fleet led by Togo to put pressure on him.