Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 202

Lin Xinyi spoke up before he could, saying, "Of course there are benefits. After we help the Chinese reclaim Shandong from the Germans, mutual trust will be established between Japan and China. An Asian Security Conference will be established based on this mutual military trust, and an Asian Joint Fleet will be set up under this conference, thus initiating a southward strategy. Japan will become the leader of the Asian Joint Fleet."

Lin Xinyi had actually proposed the concept of an Asian Joint Fleet quite early on, but everyone thought it was unrealistic because at that time there were only four independent Asian countries: Japan, China, Russia, and Thailand. The other countries were under the control of the great powers and had no independent defense policies. If Japan wanted to build a joint fleet, the Thais might accept it, but Japan couldn't withstand the pressure from the British Royal Navy. China had practically no concept of a navy after the Sino-Japanese War. Russia might be able to build an Asian Joint Fleet, but a Russian version of the Asian Joint Fleet would inevitably exclude Japan.

Today, Lin Xinyi has proposed the idea of ​​an Asian Joint Fleet. Well, the Asian environment has indeed changed somewhat; at least Russia can no longer claim to be part of Asia, so the Russian obstruction of the Asian Joint Fleet has essentially disappeared. However, other problems still exist, so Sato Tetsutaro naturally blurted out, "But China doesn't have a navy at all. The so-called Asian Joint Fleet is just the Japanese Navy with a different name. Countries will still focus their attention on us; they can't possibly distribute the pressure onto the Chinese."

The other officers nodded in agreement, agreeing that Sato was right. This deceptive tactic was undoubtedly self-deception. As long as the British Royal Fleet sailed around the Japanese archipelago, the Asian Combined Fleet's southward expansion plan would become a joke, because without the Japanese navy, the Chinese could not pose any threat to the situation in Southeast Asia.

Lin Xinyi did not deny this. He nodded and said, "Senior Sato is right. Given the current state of the Chinese navy, the so-called Asian Joint Fleet is nothing more than the Japanese navy in a different guise. If the Joint Fleet wants to interfere in the situation in Southeast Asia, it will inevitably be attributed directly to Japan. Therefore, I advocate helping China rebuild its navy and also absorbing the German Far East Fleet. In this way, the Asian Joint Fleet will form a new maritime order in Asia with Japan, China, and Germany as its allies. Britain, France, the United States, and the Netherlands, which are entrenched in Southeast Asia, will no longer be able to put pressure on Japan alone."

Akiyama Saneyuki fell into deep thought, while the other officers, after their initial shock, erupted into a heated argument. Finally, Sato Tetsutaro, representing the group, questioned Lin Xinyi: "Helping China rebuild its navy is clearly not in our national interest. Compared to Britain, Germany, the United States, and Russia, China is the true power in the region. Once the Chinese navy develops, it will inevitably challenge the Empire's maritime hegemony. Moreover, we are currently planning to drive the German Far East Fleet out of Asia. How can we allow the Germans to join the Asian Joint Fleet? Do you intend to be an enemy of the Germans, or are you planning to help Germany fight against Britain and France?"

Faced with the clamor of the crowd, Lin Xinyi remained calm and firm, saying: "If China were an empire, then once the Chinese navy develops, it will inevitably seek to dominate the seas, which would certainly be a threat to the imperial navy."

However, if China is a republic, then what the Chinese people demand is not exclusive control of the seas, but rather the guarantee of their freedom of navigation at sea. This does not conflict with the maritime control sought by empires.

For a country the size of China, let alone the East Asian seas, even the Pacific Ocean is far too small. China's development inevitably requires ensuring the safety of global navigation. Therefore, for Japan, the Pacific Ocean is already ridiculously vast, and Japan is powerless to control such a vast ocean, let alone the Indian Ocean, the shipping hub between Asia and Europe.

The key to the Japan-China alliance lies in the differing pursuits of maritime power between Japan and China. Japan needs China's vast manpower and abundant natural resources to support its naval development, while China needs an immediate fighting force to fill the maritime security gaps that its navy cannot handle. For the foreseeable future, the maritime adversaries of Japan, China, and other Asian countries will be the maritime powers of Europe and America, rather than each other's naval strength.

For the Imperial Japanese Navy today, the imminent threat is not the Chinese Navy, whose strength is yet to be fully realized, but rather the struggle for hegemony in the territories Britain has withdrawn from as British global hegemony begins to decline. The Imperial Japanese Navy must seize the advantage in this competition; otherwise, once a new international order is established, it will be difficult for Japan to shake it.

The strength of a navy is directly proportional to the concentration of its industrial population and resources. To expect to suppress a continental country with a population of over 450 million and a land area of ​​over 10 million square kilometers with just a few warships is quite in line with the Chinese idiom "a mantis trying to stop a chariot."

We should do everything we can to make the Chinese people believe that Japan is not an enemy, rather than constantly reminding China that Japan is China's primary enemy. This is the key to Japan's national security.

As for how to get the German Far East Fleet to join the Asian Joint Fleet, once this military exercise proves that Germany has been isolated by the Anglo-French international order, then the Germans should understand that war in Europe is inevitable, and German capital will inevitably seek ways to save itself in order to protect its overseas investments.

Our chosen ally is not the German government, but German capital seeking self-preservation. To avoid the confiscation of German overseas investments by Britain and France after the outbreak of war, German capital will undoubtedly seek a neutral force to protect its investments. The East Asian security mechanism will then become the largest neutral force besides the United States. We only need to extend an olive branch, and German capital will proactively sever its overseas investments from Germany, then join the East Asian security mechanism as an independent overseas nation, thereby gaining our protection.

Therefore, our use of a military exercise to remind the Germans of their isolation from the world is a gesture of goodwill, and the Germans will understand this. Our inclusion of the German Far East Fleet as part of the Asian Joint Fleet is because this Far East Fleet will be incorporated into the armed forces of Germany under the independence of its Asian colonies; it will not represent German interests, but rather the interests of German capital.

The purpose of this fleet joining the Asian Combined Fleet was to safeguard German capital overseas during the European war. For us, this German fleet would be the best ally in the Empire's southward expansion strategy. As long as the European war did not break out, Britain, the United States, France, and the Netherlands would have to focus their attention on the Germans, thus opening a gap for the Imperial Navy to enter the South Seas.

Our right flank is the German Pacific Islands, our left flank is mainland China, and with the Imperial Navy in the center, once the Asian Joint Fleet is formed, a natural trend of expansion towards the southern seas will emerge—this is the new Asian order. Therefore, establishing an East Asian security mechanism and an Asian Joint Fleet is the current strategic priority for the Imperial Navy.

The reformist faction was formed to shoulder the responsibility for the future of the navy. I believe this is a crucial moment that will determine the navy's future, so I request a vote on this matter. However, even if you persist in your opposition, I will remain steadfast in pushing forward with the establishment of the Asian Joint Fleet. This is what I wanted to report to you all.”

Upon hearing Lin Xinyi's last words, Sato Tetsutaro swallowed back the objection that was on the tip of his tongue. He knew many people were waiting for Lin Xinyi to clarify his stance, but they weren't waiting for his current statement. Sato had to consider whether the reformists could maintain their existence as a group if they allowed Lin Xinyi to turn against them.

Lin Xinyi's plan for an Asian joint fleet, aside from the unsupportable claim of rebuilding the Chinese navy, was otherwise a brilliant and refreshing idea. Furthermore, rebuilding the Chinese navy, when considered within the broader context of the plan, wasn't an insurmountable flaw. If the Imperial Navy were to actually take a step towards its southward expansion strategy as a result, then the previously advocated principle of naval supremacy over land-based operations would have become a prevailing trend.

As a staff officer focused on naval theory research, Tetsutaro Sato was well aware that once the southward expansion strategy was launched, the army's continental policy would be doomed. This was because Japan's national strength could not be invested in two directions at the same time, so there would inevitably be a priority. With resources invested in the southward expansion strategy, the army's continental policy would hardly be able to obtain any resources. In addition, with the constraints of the East Asian security mechanism, the army would have almost nothing to do on the continent.

Therefore, the plan will inevitably receive support from some high-ranking naval officers, which means that the reformists will inevitably split. So what can the reformists who oppose the plan put forward to counter it? Opposing for the sake of opposing is essentially abandoning the identity of reformists and becoming conservatives, which would destroy the reformist group.

Therefore, Lin Xinyi was using this plan to force them to take a stand. Sato Tetsutaro had to think it over. There were quite a few officers who shared Sato's thoughts, and many fell silent. However, at this moment, someone spoke up, "I think Section Chief Lin's plan is excellent. This is exactly the future that the Japanese Navy needs, and it is in line with the direction of the Navy's new path. I support Section Chief Lin's proposal. The current priority for the Navy should be to strive for the establishment of the Asian Joint Fleet."

Sato and the others turned to look and were surprised to find that the one who had spoken was Yamaji Kazuyoshi, the head of the Third Division. Yamaji faced everyone's gaze without flinching. As the son-in-law of Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, his career in the Navy had been smooth, but he also knew that he was ostracized by various factions in the Navy, because no one could believe that the son-in-law of the Minister of the Navy, Yamamoto, could be subordinate to them.

To be honest, if it weren't for Akiyama's insistence, he might not have been accepted into the reformist group. Even though Arima and Sato were considered part of Yamamoto's faction, their benefactors were Togo Heihachiro and Saito Minoru, and they wouldn't show loyalty to their benefactors' benefactors. Yamaji understood that these people didn't dislike him, but rather didn't want their discussions to reach Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's ears, even though he wasn't a talkative person. They still had this concern.

In the Military General Staff, there was no future without joining the reformists, a fact that Yamaji realized once the reformists had spread to every department. Naturally, he didn't want to be expelled from the Military General Staff like his brother-in-law, the Minister of Finance, so he had no choice but to align himself with the reformists.

In fact, with the rise of the Naval General Staff, Yamaji was also considering his own development in the Navy. He did not want to be taken care of all the time because of his title as Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's son-in-law, so he also hoped to take advantage of the rise of the Naval General Staff to truly demonstrate his abilities.

To be honest, from what I've observed so far, I've noticed that among the core figures of the Reform Faction, apart from Lin Xinyi, none of them have escaped the old Navy's system of forming cliques. Lin Xinyi always only cares about the direction, not the background, while the others, even Akiyama, subconsciously consider personal relationships. As a group that spans various factions within the Navy, the Reform Faction would have fallen apart long ago without Lin Xinyi as its true core.

The reason why everyone is demanding that Lin Xinyi take a stand on the personnel struggle in the navy after his return is because everyone believes that Lin Xinyi is the least selfish among the reformists. So if he does not support Kawara, then everyone can continue to take a stand as a group. If even Lin Xinyi cannot give up his bias towards Kawara, then the existence of the reformists as a whole will be questionable.

Chapter 668

Chapter 668

Sato was quite surprised by Yamaji Kazuyoshi's preemptive statement. He knew that there would be people who would support Hayashi Shin-yi's proposal, but he thought that Akiyama Saneyuki would be the first to stand up. Yamaji's statement really surprised him.

Sato Tetsutaro was surprised because Yamaji was a centrist among the reformists. As Yamamoto Kaisho's son-in-law, anyone who approached him was seen as currying favor with Yamamoto Kaisho. Therefore, people with even a little talent were unwilling to follow Yamaji. Yamaji himself knew this, so he dared not make any statements to avoid being targeted.

As the eldest son-in-law of Yamamoto, the Minister of the Navy, Takabe was almost regarded as Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's successor in the Navy. Therefore, Takabe's words and deeds attracted much attention. In addition to being implicated in the corruption of Yamamoto's faction of bureaucrats, another important factor in Takabe's recent loss of power was that he had spoken too recklessly in the past, which angered many people.

Zaibatsu Hideaki may have felt he was merely expressing his opinion, but outsiders perceived it differently. Many believed that Zaibatsu, relying on his father-in-law Yamamoto, the Minister of the Navy, was interfering in the navy's affairs and acting as if he were the Minister of the Navy himself. Even Saito Minoru, while outwardly showing Zaibatsu great favor, didn't privately defend him, fearing that Zaibatsu would undermine his position within the Yamamoto faction.

The fact that Finance Minister Biao and the Army privately discussed and came up with a plan for joint expansion of the Army and Navy has already caused considerable controversy. This is because Finance Minister Biao did not obtain the support of the Navy beforehand, but instead had a drink with Lieutenant Colonel Tanaka of the Army and hastily decided on a joint development plan for expanding the Army and increasing the Navy's fleet.

Although prior to Hayashi Shin-yi's proposal of a new naval roadmap, advocating for naval expansion had always been the mainstream view among the naval leadership, Yamamoto's advocacy for expansion and Finance Minister Biao's discussion of expansion plans with the Army were two different things. The former stemmed from a sense of responsibility as Minister of the Navy, while the latter was reckless and treated naval affairs as his own private business.

Although high-ranking naval officials, including Minister of the Navy Yamamoto, considered Hayashi Shinichi quite audacious, aside from deserting the military to join the Chinese Expeditionary Force in Tibet, Hayashi had never actually made any promises on behalf of the navy. While Tsaibe Hideaki was Yamamoto's successor in the military, his actions still undermined the organization's authority.

Therefore, when Takashi Takashi was implicated in the corruption case, almost no one was willing to speak up for him. As a result, Yamamoto Kaisō had to rely on his power to forcefully remove Takashi from the corruption case, but he also had to transfer Takashi out of the General Staff Headquarters, giving Kawahara the opportunity to completely integrate the General Staff Headquarters.

Yamaji had clearly learned from his brother-in-law's mistake, and thus, after being promoted to head of the Third Department of the Military General Staff, he consistently acted with caution and prudence. Even after being drawn into the reformist faction by Akiyama Saneyuki, he remained remarkably composed. Due to his status as Yamamoto's son-in-law, Yamaji quickly became a symbol of a group of centrists. People didn't necessarily support him, but rather felt safer following him, as Colonel Yamaji had always adhered to a centrist approach.

Therefore, Yamaji's preemptive statement today surprised Sato, because he knew that Yamaji's statement would inevitably affect the choices of a group of centrists. This meant that in addition to Akiyama Saneyuki, a staunch supporter, Hayashi Shin-yi had also gained the support of a group of centrists, which was obviously disadvantageous for him and others.

As Sato had predicted, Akiyama Saneyuki was somewhat surprised by Colonel Yamaji's sudden statement, but he finally sorted out his thoughts and expressed his support for Hayashi Shin-yi. He believed that, in terms of the Japanese Navy's southward expansion strategy, establishing an East Asian security conference to resolve the tensions between China and Japan was the best way to eliminate the threat of being betrayed by the mainland after the Japanese Navy moved south.

As for the Second Department Chief, Yamaya Toto, a mines expert and tactics specialist, he was already very interested in Hayashi Nobuyoshi's proposal. After Yamaji and Akiyama expressed their support, he took the opportunity to ask, "I have little doubt about Section Chief Hayashi's proposal that the southward expansion strategy has shown signs of success. However, given the current internal conflicts within the Navy caused by the power transition, how can we get the Navy to accept this proposal?"

After Yamaya asked this question, Sato and Arima's expressions changed slightly. Akiyama represented the first division, Yamaji represented the third division, and Hayashi Shinichi himself could represent the fourth division. So once Yamaya and the others sided with Hayashi Shinichi, they would have almost nothing to object to, because objecting would be meaningless. The four departments of the Military Command had reached an agreement. Could a few individual voices of opposition change the overall situation?

In response to Colonel Yamaya's question, Hayashi Shinji pondered for a moment before replying, "Actually, I often think about this: when we call ourselves reformers, what exactly are we reforming? I personally believe that simply changing some systems within the navy is clearly not enough to build the navy we want in order to implement a new naval policy."

Strictly speaking, naval reform is not only about transforming Japan to meet the needs of the navy, but also about reforming the international order so that the navy can freely express its views on reforming the international order. Therefore, naval reform is not only a military strategy, but also a political strategy. This is what I believe to be the national political principle of unity between military and political affairs, with military strategy subordinate to political strategy.

Some people attempt to separate military strategy from political strategy, which actually shows that they cannot formulate a political strategy that truly meets the needs of the Japanese nation, nor can they formulate a military strategy that conforms to this political strategy. In the end, they can only cater to the military to inflate their own desires.

Naval reform should not only involve eliminating outdated ideas within the military, but also eradicating unprincipled and undisciplined self-interest. Furthermore, it should urge the government to adopt policies suited to the nation's needs and revise the unjust international order. These are the goals of naval reform in my view.

As long as we focus on the goal of naval reform, the current internal conflicts within the navy are not a problem. Therefore, we don't need to consider who to support; rather, we should ask who our true supporters are. Those who support our reform efforts will inevitably put aside personal conflicts and unite for the greater good of the navy. Those who don't support our reforms will naturally be the targets of that reform; I don't think there's anything to discuss about that.

Yamaya was speechless for a moment. Lin Xinyi's answer was too forceful, but he couldn't offer any objections. As a staff officer who had risen through the ranks of the naval fleet, he actually opposed the power struggles within the navy, especially the bureaucratic style of the officers in the central provincial and ministerial departments. However, he knew that he couldn't change the situation, so he wanted to ask Lin Xinyi.

Lin Xinyi's answer was clearly a swift and decisive one: he purged the old guard who didn't support the reformists, thus stabilizing the navy. This answer was actually quite cold-hearted, but Yamaya, after some thought, realized it was indeed the quickest way to resolve the internal strife without causing a split within the navy, since those who remained at least supported the reformist path.

Sato's focus differed from the others. After listening to Lin Xinyi's reply to Yamaya, he couldn't help but interject, "The so-called military strategy is subordinate to political strategy, so what exactly is the political strategy needed for naval reform? If this question isn't clarified, the government is unlikely to accept our reform requests, right? Without government support, can the reform within the navy really proceed?"

Sato's hasty change of topic stemmed from his concern that if the vote continued, everyone would accept Hayashi Nobuyoshi's proposal. Previously, the reformists had been discussing how to choose which side to support in the internal naval struggle; no one had considered taking the lead and asking which side truly supported the naval reforms. Sato realized that once Hayashi Nobuyoshi's proposals gained the support of the majority present, the internal power structure of the reformist group would completely change. Hayashi Nobuyoshi, as the proposer of the reform task, would inevitably gain the approval of the majority and become the true leader of the reformists.

Therefore, he needed to change the subject and slow down, giving himself some time to think and consider how to turn this situation around, which didn't seem good for him. However, Sato's question was clearly not a difficult one for Hayashi Shin-yi.

Lin Xinyi spoke almost without hesitation: "When it comes to reforming Japan, we need to understand two questions first: What kind of Japan does the navy need? And what is Japan like now?"

The first question has been discussed many times in papers at naval symposiums: the navy needs a highly industrialized Japan, otherwise it cannot support the needs of naval modernization.

So today I'll talk about the second question: what is Japan really like now? I believe that Japan is currently controlled by small farmers and zaibatsu (financial conglomerates). According to official surveys in my country, there are over five million farmers, meaning that the agricultural population accounts for 80% of my country's total population, and the output of the agricultural economy accounts for the vast majority of my country's economy.

However, the distribution of agricultural output was uneven. Landlords and rich peasants, who comprised about 20% of the land, received approximately 80% of the agricultural profits, while the remaining 80% of farmers received only 20%. This meant that many farmers, despite working hard for a year, couldn't even afford to feed themselves. Their labor was barely enough to survive, so naturally, they had no incentive to improve the land or expand production.

On the other hand, although landlords had an advantage over peasants, the most concentrated social wealth in my country was held by various zaibatsu (financial conglomerates) that owned modern industrial and mining enterprises. The social resources mobilized by the Mitsubishi zaibatsu alone could even rival those mobilized by the entire agricultural population of Kyushu. Therefore, in terms of social resources, the zaibatsu held an absolute advantage over the landlords.

Therefore, in contemporary Japanese society, the most powerful force actually lies with small farmers in rural areas. Because they have the largest population but share the least social resources, they wield significant influence over national stability. Politically, however, the zaibatsu (financial conglomerates) wield considerable influence, as they can concentrate social resources unattainable by individuals, thereby suppressing any individual.

The House of Representatives elections clearly demonstrate that elected members need financial support from conglomerates. With this funding, they then bribe farmers in rural areas to win votes. In essence, members of parliament represent the political interests of the conglomerates and are seen as allies by the farmers. Consequently, their influence has grown significantly, leading to calls for the formation of a party-led cabinet.

As for the navy, it's impossible for Japan to become a supporter of it at present. The navy is too inaccessible to small farmers, who would much rather accept conscription from the army and escape rural labor. And for the zaibatsu (financial conglomerates), suppressing domestic revolution requires the army, not the navy; the army always has priority over the navy.

Having grasped the true state of Japanese society, the Navy should understand that national reform essentially means reforming a Japan dominated by small farmers and zaibatsu (financial conglomerates). Whether the bourgeoisie or the proletariat becomes the mainstream in Japan, it will be far more suited to the Navy's needs than a nation controlled by small farmers and zaibatsu.

Therefore, the navy's goal for national reform is to promote industrialization, eliminate the domestic small-scale peasant economy through industrial development, and establish a new economic system with industry and commerce as the main economic components. As for the zaibatsu (financial conglomerates), they must be restricted; they cannot be allowed to turn all social resources into personal wealth, otherwise the navy will eventually become their private property as well.

Sato and other officers, "..."

Lin Hsin-yi's ideas have completely surpassed their understanding of politics. After all, although the mid-to-high-ranking naval officers have studied abroad and have a much deeper understanding of the international situation than the army, they really don't know much about politics. After all, European officer education advocates that soldiers should stay away from politics.

Sato raised the issue of political strategy because he felt it was a difficult point. Although Hayashi Shin-yi said that military strategy should be subordinate to political strategy, everyone knew that Hayashi Shin-yi's subordinate military strategy to political strategy had a premise: Hayashi Shin-yi required that political strategy could meet the navy's military strategy requirements, rather than guiding the navy's military strategy based on the government's formulated political strategy.

Simply put, Lin Hsin-yi advocated that sons and fathers share the same surname, but he insisted that the son's surname should be the same as the father's, not the other way around. This is why Lin Hsin-yi's push for military strategy to be subordinate to political strategy received relatively little criticism within the navy; because people were generally accepting of the idea that the father's surname should be determined by the son's.

In this respect, Tanaka's proposal to balance military and political strategies is actually more moderate than Lin Xinyi's. Although Tanaka stated that sons and fathers are not related by blood and can go their own way, at least their names should be consistent. However, he did not emphasize that the father should take the son's surname, but only advocated that the son has the right to decide his own surname.

Only a few naval officers and outsiders unfamiliar with Lin Hsin-yi's overall military and political strategies would believe that Lin's emphasis on the subordination of military strategy to political strategy was an attempt to subordinate the military to the government and establish a civilian government. In fact, this view is tantamount to a complete distortion of Lin Hsin-yi's propositions.

For staff officers like Sato who had close contact with Hayashi Shin-yi, they certainly wouldn't misunderstand the subordinate relationship between Hayashi Shin-yi's military and political strategies. The reason they found it unacceptable was not because of the subordinate relationship between military and political strategies, but because of how to match political and military strategies. This was a real problem for most soldiers because their political understanding was too shallow.

However, for Hayashi Shin-yi, this kind of question was incredibly easy, so Sato quickly realized he had asked a foolish question, which in turn gave Hayashi Shin-yi an opportunity to further elaborate on his political ideas. If it were a discussion of military strategy with Hayashi Shin-yi, Sato wouldn't be worried at all, but when it came to political strategy, not to mention everyone present, even if you included all the current high-ranking naval officers, no one could out-argue Hayashi Shin-yi.

This wasn't just Sato's imagination. At the Ōiso Conference, Hayashi Nobuyoshi had already demonstrated his political talent, even causing Minister Yamamoto Gonnohyōe to suffer a great loss. If the Ōiso Conference hadn't dismantled the outdated naval policies advocated by Minister Yamamoto, how could naval reform have become the current trend in the navy?

And this proposed reform of Japanese society is indeed impeccable; even the officers present, some from landowning families, wouldn't think Lin Xinyi distorted the facts. The fact is, the countryside is now a powder keg, to the point that landowners are starting to leave their land and move to the cities, not only to enjoy urban services but also to avoid conflicts with farmers.

The Meiji Restoration government changed the rent in kind to rent in monetary form. Although the land tax paid by farmers was slightly reduced in terms of actual value, farmers did not have cash and needed to sell their agricultural products to obtain cash to pay taxes. This meant that the prices investigated by officials in the market were not the prices at which farmers sold their produce. Prices fell during the harvest season and rose in other seasons, which was a normal market behavior. This fluctuation meant that farmers were being exploited by merchants.

To pay land taxes, farmers were forced to sell their produce at low prices or borrow from landlords, ultimately incurring exorbitant interest rates. This transformed the relatively stable countryside of the Edo period into a powder keg of conflict between farmers, landlords, and merchants. Since maintaining rural order was difficult, landlords naturally chose to flee, as the relationship between landlords and farmers was no longer one of subservience, but solely based on money. With landlords no longer obligated to undertake national military duties or maintain local security, they were no longer required to protect the farmers.

This is what Lin Xinyi advocated: the best way for farmers to escape their social class was to join the army. Meanwhile, the tycoons, wanting to preserve their wealth, had to support the army. Faced with this social reality, the navy couldn't possibly discuss the idea of ​​"sea master, land servant," because neither small farmers nor the tycoons would support it.

Chapter 669

Chapter 669

While everyone was pondering the true face of Japan as pointed out by Lin Xinyi, Lin Xinyi did not stop there, but continued: "Transforming the small-scale peasant economy and curbing the power of the zaibatsu both require the great development of industry, especially the development of heavy chemical industry that is not controlled by the zaibatsu."

"Given Japan's size, it would be quite difficult to rapidly develop heavy chemical industries, because the wealth accumulated by the country during the forty years of the Meiji Restoration was in the hands of zaibatsu and landowners. They would certainly be unwilling to invest in heavy chemical industries that could not generate returns in the short term."

"That's why we advocate for national government support for the development of Chiba Prefecture's heavy industry base, while reducing subsidies for industrial development to conglomerates."

The country's tax revenue is either used here or wasted by bureaucrats at all levels on unnecessary things. So why not invest in the construction of heavy chemical industries? It is said that the investment and construction of government-owned assets in the early days of the Reform Movement was a failure. But we all know very well that those who said that government-owned assets were losing money and needed to be privatized are now members of financial groups or supporters of financial groups. The donations they enjoy from financial groups come from the profits that financial groups obtain after they seize government-owned assets.

Therefore, it's not that government-owned assets are destined to lose money; it's just that some people deliberately fabricate these assets to make them appear unprofitable in order to benefit themselves. However, once these government-owned assets fall into private hands, the people not only have to subsidize them with tax money, but they also have no say in the profits of the industry.

The reason I oppose the nationalization of railways is because it was precisely these people who advocated for faster development through railway privatization, arguing that state-owned railways would only lose money.

Now they believe that railways are a matter of national importance and people's livelihood, so they cannot be controlled by private individuals. Such politicians who treat the people like fools are ubiquitous in our country's ruling class.

"How can the country get back on track if these politicians who only care about their own interests and have no public morality are not removed from the ruling class?"

The reason why the navy cannot carry out a large-scale expansion is that two of the three major naval shipyards have already been privatized. The consequence of a large-scale expansion would be that a large amount of national tax revenue would flow into the hands of the Mitsubishi and Kawasaki zaibatsu.

Apart from acquiring a batch of outdated capital ships that were already obsolete upon completion, the navy was simply no match for the world's top-tier navy.

Therefore, the current large-scale military expansion, besides increasing the maritime advantage of China and Russia, which have no main naval fleets around us, has actually widened the gap with the navies of Britain, the United States, Germany and France.

Because both Britain and Germany were researching a new generation of battleships, the old capital ships were like wooden sailing ships compared to ironclad warships in the face of these new-era battleships.

"As members of the Navy, we are responsible for national security as well as the lives of our naval officers and soldiers."

"I believe that the navy is not a service that can be won by bravery and bloodshed. What the navy needs is technological progress and creative naval officers and soldiers, and then strict discipline and a sound logistical support system."

If one only emphasizes bravery or advocates discipline and logistical support, while ignoring technological progress and limiting the creativity of naval officers and soldiers, then this navy will become a second Beiyang Fleet, a fleet that is already dead in spirit, possessing the largest fleet size in Asia but unable to sink even a single imperial warship.

"Therefore, reforming the military will inevitably lead to reforming the nation."

To achieve national reform, a peaceful external environment and an international trade system conducive to my country's industrial development are necessary. This is why Asian security mechanisms and Asian trade cooperation agreements are so important to my country.

The establishment of the Asian Joint Fleet is essential for completing the construction of an Asian security mechanism and ensuring the implementation of Asian trade cooperation agreements.

"The above is my thinking on the goals of the reformists."

"Reform the military, reform national politics, and reform the Asian order—this is the fundamental task and significance of the reformists."

"Therefore, at this meeting, I demand that the reformist group be reorganized. The old salon-style group is incapable of accomplishing the fundamental tasks of the reformists. We need a more disciplined organization with clear goals. Only such an organization can prevent the reform cause from becoming just empty talk."

Captain Inoue Tsunomatsu, who accompanied Lin Xinyi to the meeting, immediately spoke up in support: "I support the section chief's proposal. If the reformers don't reform the national politics, what's the point of reforming the navy? A navy without national support can't achieve anything..."

The others merely glanced silently at Inoue. Apart from Inoue, no one present held a rank lower than major. The main reason Inoue was able to attend this meeting was because he had previously spoken on behalf of Hayashi Nobuyoshi, since Hayashi Nobuyoshi didn't frequently visit the Shinagawa Military General Headquarters. Of course, the reason Hayashi Nobuyoshi didn't come to Shinagawa often was because everyone believed his work elsewhere was indeed very important; after all, Hayashi Nobuyoshi wasn't some idle staff officer like them.

The reason why the Naval General Staff cannot be compared with the Army General Staff is that the Naval General Staff does not have as much actual power as the General Staff. Although the military is nominally directly commanded by the Emperor, Emperor Meiji was obviously very careful not to touch the red line of the feudal lords. He was only responsible for nominal command and did not interfere in army and navy affairs through the General Staff or the Naval General Staff.

The appointment of Yamagata Aritomo as Chief of the General Staff instead of Minister of the Army was actually to prevent the Emperor from interfering in Army affairs. Nominally, the Director-General of Education, the Minister of the Army, and the Chief of the General Staff could all offer opinions to the Emperor, but the only institution through which the Emperor could directly issue orders to the Army was the General Staff Headquarters.

The Emperor can only issue edicts to the Director-General of Education and the Minister of the Army. He cannot bypass them and issue orders to the officers below him, otherwise it would be against the rules.

However, the General Staff is an institution that assists the Emperor. In principle, the head of the General Staff is not the Chief of the General Staff but the Emperor himself. The Chief of the General Staff is only responsible for handling daily affairs, not for isolating the Emperor from the leadership of the department.

In other words, if the Emperor bypasses the Chief of the General Staff and issues orders to the staff officers, the staff officers will have no excuse to refuse the Emperor's orders, except for the Chief of the General Staff losing face, because their job is to assist the Emperor in handling military orders, not to assist the Chief of the General Staff.

Therefore, the Naval General Staff, which was separated from the Ministry of the Navy, had almost nothing to do when the Emperor did not exercise his power to command the army, except for drafting some useless plans. Why was it useless? Because the Ministry of the Navy would not allow the Naval General Staff to directly interfere with its subordinate departments. The Naval General Staff could make a training plan, that was fine, but when it was needed was the job of the Ministry of the Navy.

Why was Kawahara Yoichi so popular in the Military General Staff? Because Kawahara did indeed secure a lot of power for the Military General Staff. However, the Military General Staff was ultimately inherently weak, lacking specific departments to coordinate with, so most of the time there was still not much to do.

The reason why the Naval General Staff generally supported the proposals put forward by Togo Heihachiro and Ijuin Goro after the war to strengthen fleet training was because this was the only legitimate reason for the Naval General Staff to intervene in fleet affairs after the war.

If the fleet stops training, the Naval General Staff has no grounds to comment on fleet affairs, as they lack the specific authority to do so. With the abolition of the wartime Imperial General Headquarters, the Naval General Staff lost its command authority representing the Emperor, and these wartime subordinate units became friendly units at the same level or unrelated to the Naval General Staff.

It was precisely because the staff officers in the General Staff had little work to do that the General Staff became the stronghold of the reformists.

When people have nothing to do, they tend to visit each other and chat. And what can evoke the most common emotions in chatting is, of course, the unreasonable phenomena within the navy. Naturally, ideas for reform arise in response to these unreasonable phenomena.

Frankly speaking, if everyone were as busy as Section Chief Lin Xinyi, how many people would consider the issue of innovation? Most people would probably prefer to do their jobs well, win the favor of their superiors, and thus have a greater chance of promotion.

Therefore, Lin Hsin-yi's assessment that the reformists were a salon-style political club was not wrong.

Captain Inoue Tsugumatsu's support did not generate much discussion, because Inoue had no influence among the core members of the reformist faction; he was merely a mouthpiece when Hayashi Shin-yi was not around.

However, even Tetsutaro Sato felt the impact of Hayashi Shinji's three reform tasks. Although many people believed that the Meiji Restoration was not enough and that many old traditions had not been thoroughly reformed, another reform was needed.

However, the victories in the Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War largely masked the intense social contradictions within Japan, giving the Meiji Restoration a veneer of glamour. The Japanese people, who had previously harbored great dissatisfaction with the Meiji Restoration, changed their criticisms of the Emperor system after the Russo-Japanese War victory, attributing current social problems to Japan's relatively short time as a major power. They believed that if Japan achieved something like Britain's colonization of India, the lives of the Japanese people would be much better.

Therefore, during this period, the victory in the Russo-Japanese War was easing the divisions among the upper and middle classes of Japanese society. Those elites who believed that a revolution might occur if the rural land system was not reformed were now beginning to abandon their radical revolutionary ideas and support solving domestic problems through internal reforms and external expansion.