Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 209

In other words, international trade transactions could only be completed through bills issued by the City of London. Through the international trade settlement system, the British gained the power to set prices for global commodities.

This year, the price of raw silk in Japan has been high, so Japanese farmers have expanded their production. However, the price of raw silk in the international market may fall next year. Why? Because Japan simply cannot absorb the raw silk it produces. This raw silk is produced for the foreign market. Therefore, in the face of price fluctuations in the international market, Japanese farmers have ultimately become victims of the pound-gold trading system.

One of the fundamental reasons we want to overthrow the global colonial system established by British and French imperialism is to regain the international pricing power over commodities. Japan's attempt to establish an international trade system based on the yen is actually an attempt to replace the British Empire's position in the current international trade system. Would Indians, Chinese, Americans, and Germans agree with Japan's approach?

No, Japan will only be excluded from the new international order, and we will become losers like Britain and France. Therefore, Japan needs a new pricing system to construct a new international order and thus occupy a dominant position in it.

I believe that the only international pricing system that can gain acceptance from Indians, Chinese, and indeed all developing countries is the labor theory of value, as advocated by socialism. The labor theory of value avoids the power-based pricing of the feudal era and the capital-based pricing of the imperialist era; at least for workers in all countries, it is a universally acceptable pricing method.

Only by building the Asian Economic Cooperation Organization on the basis of the labor theory of value and establishing a trade alliance with Japan, China, and India at its core can a solid and indestructible value alliance be formed…

Chapter 684

Chapter 684

For the five new cabinet ministers at Ogawa's residence, this tentative meeting determined a major political issue they had never considered before. Although the five new cabinet ministers belonged to the new tech bureaucrat group, at this time, the new tech bureaucrats were not yet a politically motivated interest group; this group was merely a new bureaucrat group dissatisfied with the incompetent feudal bureaucrats.

Unlike the old-fashioned bureaucrats, the new tech bureaucrats had abandoned traditional Japanese academic thought from the very beginning. They had been systematically learning Western scientific and political thought since their student days. Therefore, from the first day they entered the system, they did not think about learning from the West based on the existing Japanese system, but rather how to completely eliminate the old system remaining in the Meiji Restoration government.

Although these new technocrats were personally nurtured by the reformed government, they only had personal respect for the founders of the reformed government, and completely disregarded their patchwork founding strategies.

For example, Shibusawa Eiichi, the most radical figure among the opening-up faction, merely advocated for a Japanese spirit and Western learning. In fact, most of the opening-up faction in the Meiji Restoration government only advocated learning Western military technology and did not want to change Japan's unique imperial system. Fukuzawa Yukichi, the proponent of the "Leave Asia and Join Europe" theory, never held an official position. In fact, it was only after the signing of the Treaty of Versailles in 1885 that he formally believed that Confucian civilization was beyond saving and thus fully embraced the Westernization policy.

The impact of the Sino-French Treaty on Asians was that China would have to cede territory and pay reparations whether it lost or won. China was no longer able to maintain order in Asia, and Asia would be completely exposed to the guns of Western powers. The Chinese system collapsed completely, and everyone was considering how to save themselves and avoid ending up like the Native Americans.

It was from this period that Japanese elites began to shift from the idea of ​​opening the country to the idea of ​​complete Westernization. Most of the new tech bureaucrats at this time were still students, and they naturally accepted that only by completely severing ties with the Chinese system and integrating into Western civilization could Japan's new ideas be truly protected.

Because the new technocrats tend to embrace complete Westernization rather than simply learning Western science, they attribute Japan's current social problems to the Meiji Restoration government's insufficient learning of the West, rather than any flaws in Western civilization. This is the root of the widespread resentment the new technocrats have towards the old feudal bureaucrats. However, the new technocrat group does not have a unified political goal; they simply dislike the old bureaucrats' governing philosophies.

Using Ogawa Heikichi's housewarming party as an opportunity for a secret meeting, the newly appointed technocrats saw this as a chance to decide their future. Although they held most of the positions in the current cabinet, the decisions on the country's political policy still rested with the army and navy, as well as the elders representing the army, navy, and zaibatsu. The technocrats, apart from having some influence within their own departments, did not actually have much appeal at the national level.

For example, Takahashi Korekiyo, although his experience in raising war funds overseas for Japan in this war was legendary, apart from a few elites and elders who appreciated his work, the general public did not care about his contributions to the war at all. Everyone only recognized the soldiers who gave their lives on the battlefield and the officers who led the army to victory as war heroes, and did not recognize Takahashi as a hero in this war. The media did not carry out in-depth publicity about Takahashi's work, but simply reported the news of Takahashi's successful overseas fundraising in order to enhance the public's confidence in the victory of the war.

Compared to Takahashi, the other ministers had a much weaker public image. Many citizens only knew their names but were completely unaware of their backgrounds, so naturally, they couldn't offer any support. It was precisely because of the political weakness of these new technocrats that they needed to come together to reach a consensus, ensuring they could accomplish something in this cabinet rather than becoming mere puppets of the elders and the military.

It's fair to say that before this meeting, everyone's biggest expectation was simply to establish a united front, not to achieve any shared political goals. At least multiple rounds of communication would be needed to build mutual trust and allow everyone to openly express their ideals. However, under Lin Xinyi's intervention, the meeting was steered in a different direction, transforming into an alliance between the navy and everyone else.

Although this cabinet was formed by the Navy, none of the ministers present truly considered themselves allies of the Navy. Even figures like Heikichi Ogawa and Yoshimichi Hara had their own political views and were not entirely subservient to the Navy. Their support for the Navy stemmed from a desire to advance their own political ideals through a Navy-led cabinet, rather than a choice made out of agreement with the Navy's ideology.

However, with Lin Xinyi proposing the navy's diplomatic philosophy at this meeting, the newly appointed ministers had no choice but to take sides. This taking sides was essentially a genuine endorsement of the navy's political philosophy, thus forging a political alliance. This meant that in this cabinet, or at least during its term, everyone would have to work around the navy's diplomatic philosophy to advance the cabinet's work.

Therefore, when the meeting ended, some people naturally became anxious. For example, when Wakatsuki Reijiro was leaving the Ogawa residence, he couldn't help but ask Takahashi Korekiyo, whom he knew well, "Do you think this Lieutenant Commander Hayashi can really represent the Navy? Will the Navy's diplomatic ideas really help Japan's future?"

Takahashi actually understood Wakatsuki Reijiro's mentality quite well. The bureaucrats in the central ministries and departments all had similar mindsets. They all advocated for gentle changes within the existing order. For these bureaucrats, any unpredictable changes were risks that needed to be guarded against, because the biggest trouble in ruling a country was unpredictability. The appearance of Western powers in East Asia was an example of unpredictable change. The shogunate proposed the policy of national isolation in order to maintain domestic stability as much as possible.

After a moment's thought, he replied, "Since Ministers Ogawa, Hara, and Abe believe that Lieutenant Commander Hayashi can represent the Navy, then he can naturally represent the Navy. Even if he cannot represent the entire Navy, he at least represents the will of a part of the Navy. So this is not something we need to worry about, but rather a problem that Lieutenant Commander Hayashi himself must face."

As for whether Lieutenant Colonel Hayashi's proposed diplomatic ideas will benefit Japan's future, while we cannot yet confirm the extent of the benefits the Asian Economic Cooperation and Trade Alliance will bring to Japan, this idea is at least compatible with the development of Chiba Prefecture as a heavy industry center. This means that Lieutenant Colonel Hayashi's proposed diplomatic ideas actually serve the Navy's economic policy of prioritizing heavy industry.

The current criticism of the Chiba Prefecture heavy industry center plan mainly stems from the fact that the plan not only relies on importing coal and iron ore from overseas, but also has steelmaking targets that exceed the needs of the domestic market. This is a project that must obtain overseas markets to survive, which is an extremely risky plan for Japan, because we are not sure whether Japan can guarantee the security of overseas raw material production areas and markets.

From this perspective, Lieutenant Commander Lin's proposed diplomatic philosophy truly represented the will of the Navy, because it effectively addressed everyone's concerns about this plan…

However, it was clear that Wakatsuki Reijiro's concern was not focused on this. Seeing that Takahashi did not understand his question, he had no choice but to clarify: "What I mean is, how will the Army view the Japan-China peace-based Asian cooperation alliance? If this cooperation alliance succeeds, it will mean that the Army's continental expansion policy will be abandoned. I am worried that the Army will not agree with this proposition and will confront the Navy. Wouldn't that force us to stand on the Navy's side and confront the Army head-on?"

Takahashi Korekiyo was speechless at Wakatsuki Reijiro's concerns. After a long while, he said uncertainly, "This is a policy that benefits the country. The army always claims to be patriotic, but they can't put themselves before the country, can they?"

Hearing Takahashi's naive answer, Wakatsuki Reijiro immediately lost interest in continuing the conversation. For social elites like Takahashi, who were on the fringes of the system, their understanding of the military was clearly too superficial. As a bureaucrat who had risen through the ranks from the Ministry of Finance, Wakatsuki was far more perceptive than Takahashi. Lieutenant Commander Hayashi Nobuyoshi might indeed represent the will of the Navy, because excluding the Army from national policy-making was a long-held idea of ​​the Navy. But why should government officials take sides between the Army and the Navy? No matter who won, those two bastards would have to increase military spending for the government.

Given the current situation, Wakatsuki knew he couldn't betray the political alliance of the Five Ministers unless he wanted to quit. He had originally planned to form a neutral alliance with Takahashi, trying to avoid getting involved in the mess between the army and navy, but Takahashi's political sluggishness made him abandon the idea. A clumsy ally was not as safe as protecting himself.

Wakatsuki Reijiro concluded their conversation and took his leave. Takahashi Korekiyo got into his carriage, and only after walking a street did he realize Wakatsuki's intentions, and a sense of unease crept into his heart. However, his advantage over Wakatsuki was that he could consult his protector about any political issues, so he quickly knocked on the carriage wall and instructed the coachman, "Not going to Asukayama, going to Lord Ito's residence..."

Ito Hirobumi recommended Takahashi Kiyoshi for a cabinet position, partly because he appreciated Takahashi's abilities demonstrated in loan negotiations, and partly because he needed to establish a communication channel within the cabinet. The Navy's long-standing inability to form a cabinet made it difficult even for Ito to understand its political leanings. For example, when Ito Sukeyuki formed his cabinet, the policies formulated were not consulted with the elder statesmen beforehand. This meant that the Ito cabinet was already determined to be a war cabinet preparing for war before taking office, which is why Ito and Yamagata did not publicly criticize the Ito cabinet's policy-making.

However, with the formation of the Navy's second cabinet, Ito Hirobumi had to find a way to place one of his own in the Navy cabinet. He could no longer tolerate the cabinet's complete autonomy in policy-making. In fact, not only did the Navy cabinet show a tendency to break free from the control of the Council of Elders, but the Army cabinet formed by Katsura Taro also showed this tendency. However, Katsura Taro's cabinet was too short-lived, collapsing before the conflict between the cabinet and the Council of Elders could escalate. The subsequent Saionji cabinet reported to Ito on everything, which eased the power struggle between the cabinet and the Council of Elders.

Therefore, Ito Hirobumi was quite pleased that Takahashi Kiyoshi came to report to him, which was precisely the reason he recommended Takahashi to the cabinet. This secret meeting of the five ministers in Akasaka was indeed a matter of concern for him. After all, if the five ministers formed a political alliance, then the current cabinet would be controlled by these five ministers, and even Prime Minister Yamamoto would find it difficult to fight against five ministers who were moving in the same direction.

However, upon hearing that Lin Xinyi had influenced the meeting, Ito showed a rare expression of surprise. For a moment, he didn't know whether to criticize the five ministers' private meeting or condemn the navy's formation of political cliques. But Ito quickly regained his composure and asked Takahashi, "So, what do you think of the diplomatic ideas proposed by this naval lieutenant commander? Are they good or bad?"

After a moment of silence, Takahashi replied, "In my personal opinion, this Lieutenant Commander Hayashi has connected the navy's strategy, the cabinet's political direction, and the country's economic development. This is the first time I've heard such a clear vision of Japan's future. If we ignore his age, I think Lieutenant Commander Hayashi, like the elders, has an extremely clear roadmap for Japan's future, something that others cannot see."

Hirobumi Ito nodded slightly and said, "Your view is not bad, but I can tell you that even we do not have a clear view of the future of Japan. Lieutenant Colonel Nobuyoshi Hayashi's political foresight is indeed a rare talent."

Hearing Ito's high praise for Hayashi Nobuyoshi, Takahashi now understood why Shibusawa Eiichi had repeatedly complimented him. Clearly, this young man had gained the approval of both Shibusawa and Ito early on. He felt a mix of emotions. His background was similar to Hayashi Nobuyoshi's; he too had been considered a promising talent in his youth. However, he had never achieved such a prominent position at such a young age as Hayashi Nobuyoshi.

Thinking of this, he couldn't help but say, "So, this really was Lieutenant Commander Lin Xinyi's own idea, rather than the collective wisdom of the entire navy?"

After a moment of silence, Ito said, "If the Navy had such capabilities, it would have suppressed the Army long ago. This is indeed Lin Xinyi's idea. However, since he was able to represent the Navy at this secret meeting, it means that he has at least gained the support of most people in the Navy, which is why he can put forward this diplomatic concept on behalf of the Navy."

After a few moments of silence, Takahashi asked Ito Hirobumi his most pressing question, "But this diplomatic philosophy seems to clash with the army's stance. Could this lead to a split within the military? What should the cabinet do to avoid domestic unrest?"

Ito Hirobumi understood Takahashi Korekiyo's concerns. A conflict between the army and navy would jeopardize the stability of the current system. After all, the foundation of the Chosun-Satsuma government was the army and navy, and a confrontation between them would lead to its collapse. Although Ito believed that the Chosun-Satsuma government should end, he did not want to see it end violently. He hoped that the Chosun-Satsuma government would gradually relinquish power to the Kuomintang, rather than directly erupting into a violent conflict like the Satsuma Rebellion.

After much deliberation, Ito finally replied to Takahashi, "I will personally communicate with the Navy about this matter. We need to understand the Navy's objectives before we can formulate a countermeasure. Of course, if we only consider the current political direction proposed by the Navy, its diplomatic philosophy actually aligns with Japan's current needs."

This war nearly depleted the savings accumulated since the Meiji Restoration and caused massive casualties. Just dealing with the bereaved families after the war will require a huge expenditure from the national treasury. Japan is unlikely to wage another major war of similar scale as the war against Russia in the short term. A peaceful East Asian environment is indeed the external environment we need.

As the main fundraiser for Japan's foreign wars, Takahashi naturally agreed with Ito's views. In fact, he also felt that an Asian economic alliance based on Sino-Japanese peace was beneficial to Japan's development, which is why he hesitated on the diplomatic concept of the navy. If it were not truly beneficial to Japan, why would he hesitate on the issue of offending the army?

After leaving the Ito residence, Takahashi seemed much more relaxed. However, Ito fell into deep thought in his study, so much so that his private secretary, Mori Taijiro, became somewhat worried and asked him what was wrong.

Ito was quite relaxed in the presence of this close friend. Mori Taijiro rarely interfered in politics; he was more like a retainer who helped Ito relax. Therefore, Ito was more frank with him, unlike his other confidants who would only tell half the story.

Therefore, he casually remarked to him, "I originally thought that Hayashi Nobuyoshi had developed very quickly within the navy. After Saigo's death, he was still able to gain the support of so many high-ranking naval officials, thus influencing the navy's policy decisions. It's clear that I underestimated his abilities. But today I realize that he hasn't just influenced the navy's policy decisions; he has become the brain of the navy. Otherwise, it would have been impossible for ministers like Ogawa and Hara to recognize his position as the representative of the navy. My judgment was indeed inferior to Saigo's. I shouldn't have given in to Saigo."

Mori Taijiro was clear about how Ito discovered and nurtured Hayashi Shin'ichi. He felt that Ito hadn't actually done anything wrong. After all, which of the elders wasn't looking for and nurturing young people to select their political successors? Hayashi Shin'ichi was just one of the young people Ito had his eye on. Every year, they would discover ten or eight such young people. It was just that Hayashi Shin'ichi's excellence overshadowed the other outstanding young people.

Chapter 685

Chapter 685

Seeing Ito's frustration, Mori Taijiro couldn't help but comfort him, saying, "You didn't really do anything wrong. Saigo had far fewer options than you back then, which is why he was more willing to make a big bet. As for Hayashi Shin'ichi, his excellence back then lay in his analysis of the international situation. Who would have thought he would have such outstanding talent in military and political affairs?"

Hirobumi Ito was simply expressing his feelings. As Moritai said, Shinichi Hayashi did indeed demonstrate a keen insight into the international situation at the time, but he was, after all, just a teenager. Whether he could maintain and develop this talent in the future remained to be seen. He had seen far too many outstanding young people like himself, but only a few of them truly grew into successful individuals.

If one has talent but lacks extraordinary willpower, that talent will soon be squandered, and one will eventually become an ordinary person, or even worse than an ordinary person. After all, geniuses face far more temptations than ordinary people. Most geniuses come from impoverished backgrounds because they are less tempted and have to rely on their talents to change their lives.

Like Ito himself, he spent a lot of time reading when he was young because of poverty. However, after achieving success, he actually spent a lot of time enjoying himself rather than learning. It can be said that Ito himself felt that after the age of 40, he had been relying on experience rather than new understanding of the world to handle various matters.

Before the age of 40, Ito mainly relied on his own opinions to make judgments, but after 40, he often relied on the analysis of his subordinates to make judgments. This is also the reason why Ito's work on reforming the political system stagnated after Inoue Takeshi's death. Without Inoue Takeshi, an expert in the study of Western legal systems, it was difficult for Ito to innovate the current system.

For example, the Imperial Household Law, which is being drafted this year, is essentially a supplement to the Imperial Constitution. However, the content of the Imperial Household Law is almost entirely unoriginal. It merely provides an institutional explanation of the tradition of imperial succession, but does not clearly define how the Emperor's power is exercised. Strictly speaking, this patch to the Imperial Constitution is still incomplete.

The reason why the Imperial Constitution needs to be amended is that it grants the Emperor all the power to rule the country without any constraints. Therefore, the significance of revising the Imperial Household Law lies in how to restrain the Emperor's almost unlimited power, thereby preventing the Emperor from assuming political responsibility and causing the Imperial Household to lose its legitimacy.

This problem was actually raised by Inoue Takeshi during his lifetime, but Inoue did not find a solution. After Inoue's death, Ito Hirobumi still could not find a solution to the problem of the unlimited responsibility that comes with the Emperor's unlimited power. He could only ask the Emperor not to use his ruling power, thereby avoiding taking on political responsibility.

Why avoid taking on political responsibility? Because after opening their doors to the world, the Japanese learned about the French Revolution and the British Civil War, especially by comparing it with the experience of Emperor Guangxu of neighboring China losing his throne. This mainly refers to the experience of Emperor Guangxu, who advocated war during the Sino-Japanese War, being overthrown by Empress Dowager Cixi and the conservatives after the war.

Japanese politicians quickly realized that those who make political decisions must bear political responsibility. No matter what slogans you use to glorify the decisions made by politicians, or to instill the consciousness of subjects in the people, when a political judgment is wrong and causes the interests of the majority to be harmed, these people will resent the decision-makers. Once the time is ripe, the decision-makers will inevitably be purged.

Therefore, when the Imperial Constitution defines Japan as a special imperial state, concentrating power in the hands of the Emperor, the Emperor's every word and action will inevitably affect the vital interests of the people. Once the Emperor's ideas are put into writing and enacted as laws, the people whose interests are harmed will naturally concentrate their resentment on the Emperor.

Hirobumi Ito advocated that the Emperor should rule without governing, which meant shifting responsibility to the cabinet. In other words, all major national policies were issued by the cabinet in the name of the Emperor, so any problems with the policies would naturally be the cabinet's problem. If the people expressed dissatisfaction, the Emperor could then order the dissolution of the cabinet, thereby relieving the people's discontent with the country.

Simply put, Ito Hirobumi and Inoue Takeshi used the Emperor as a brake on the nation. When serious conflict arose between the government and the people, the Emperor, as the supreme ruler, could make a decision in his capacity, thereby preventing a domestic revolution. For example, if the Emperor had the power to dismiss the Shogun before the outbreak of the Tokugawa War, the war could have been avoided; a new Shogun could have been appointed.

However, without Inoue Takeshi, a genius in constitutional studies, Itoh found it difficult to create a system to constrain the Emperor's power. Ariga Nagao, though an excellent legal expert, lacked Inoue's political talent and therefore could not produce Inoue's legal awareness of balancing politics; he could only explain the origin of the law.

So, as Mori Taijiro said, Ito has always been discovering young talents. For him, Hayashi Shinichi is just one of hundreds of outstanding young talents. He originally wanted to observe whether these young people could grow up by letting them grow freely. However, Hayashi Shinichi grew too fast, so much so that he didn't have time to prune the sapling. The other party had suddenly grown into a big tree.

Thinking of this, Ito couldn't help but sigh and say resentfully, "I just wanted to drive a nail into the Navy, not to give them such a big gift. If I had known he had such political talent, I would never have let him join the Navy."

Mori Taijiro, who had always been by Ito's side, could understand his thoughts. Hayashi Shinji's excellence lay in his ability to grasp the direction of the navy at such a young age, which was indeed an outstanding political ability. However, for Ito Hirobumi, this was obviously a very bad result, because after the end of the Sino-Japanese War, Ito had been trying to restrain the power of the military.

He had heard Ito complain more than once about Yamagata's political shortsightedness, his unwillingness to establish a stable national system for the Empire for the selfish interests of the Choshu faction and the army. The stable national system that Ito advocated was actually to bring the military under the control of the government. However, the issue of the army's command authority was already stipulated in the Imperial Constitution. Even Ito Hirobumi could hardly openly demand that the army obey the government. He could only create some precedent so that the government would have something to follow. For example, when Ito served as the Governor-General of Korea, he brought the Korean garrison under the Governor-General's command.

Yamagata was already giving Ito a major headache, but now the Navy has produced an even younger Hayashi Shinji, which is obviously giving Ito an even bigger headache. At least Yamagata and Ito are contemporaries, and the two can continue to keep each other in check. But Hayashi Shinji is just too young. By the time Hayashi Shinji truly takes the position of leader of the Navy, Ito and Yamagata will probably be gone. So who will restrain this military leader who controls the Navy?

Mori Taijiro wisely remained silent. He knew very well that his position was not Ito's political advisor, but only Ito's literary advisor. Therefore, chatting was fine, just to help Ito clarify his thoughts. However, giving Ito any political advice would be inappropriate, because he knew he did not have such ability. Pretending to know what he did not know would only arouse Ito's resentment, so it was better to remain silent.

Itō Hirobumi indeed didn't seem to care about Mori Taijirō's sudden silence. Through his conversation with Mori, he finally understood his own concerns: he was actually worried about the Navy's growing political influence. In the past, he had been trying to weaken the Army, whether by winning over the Navy or the Choshu faction within the Army, all in an effort to curb the Army's political influence.

He wasn't actually worried about Yamagata and Saigo's control over the army and navy. What he was worried about was these military personnel using the military's banner to interfere with the government. Saigo Takamori's faction before the Satsuma Rebellion was like that. The reason Yamagata Aritomo was able to hold power in the military for more than ten years was that Yamagata advocated that the military should not interfere in politics. For this reason, Yamagata also expelled generals who opposed the sale of Hokkaido government property from the army.

However, prior to the Sino-Japanese War, the military interfered with government policies under the guise of national defense. At that time, Japan was on the verge of either fighting a foreign war or a civil war, so Ito had no choice but to side with the military and force the government to make concessions on the issue of military expansion. But after the Sino-Japanese War, Yamagata's continental policy expanded its target from the Korean Peninsula to Manchuria, which made it possible for Japan to have a direct conflict with the Russian Empire. At this point, Ito felt the danger of the military becoming uncontrollable, so he resolutely turned to the Democratic Party, attempting to use it to suppress the military-dominated clan politics.

The Satsuma Rebellion left a deep impression on the Japanese upper echelons, so much so that even Ito Hirobumi himself considered preventing another Satsuma Rebellion a top political priority. In his view, with the expansion of the military's power, the Choshu faction, led by Yamagata, was likely to follow Saigo Takamori's path, treating the army as their private army and thus confronting the government. If this situation occurred, then the achievements of 40 years of Meiji Restoration would be wasted, because no one knew where Japan would go after this internal turmoil.

If Hayashi Shin-yi was merely using the navy's position to restrain the army, then Ito would naturally be happy to see it. This is essentially the same role that Kodama Gentaro played in the past, except one was within the army and the other within the navy. However, Hayashi Shin-yi's current interference in politics has made him wary; it's practically a carbon copy of Yamagata.

However, after careful consideration, Ito realized that he really couldn't do anything about Hayashi Shinichi right now, because he couldn't interfere in the military to deal with an officer. And the navy was still his ally, strictly speaking, because he also needed peace between Japan and China to resolve the Korean rebellion.

Although he had no attachment to the position of Governor-General of Korea, he hoped to step down only after the situation in Korea had stabilized; otherwise, it would be tantamount to fleeing back in disgrace. The key to stabilizing Korea at present lay not in suppressing anti-Japanese sentiment within Korea, but in preventing external forces from supporting anti-Japanese forces in Korea.

Currently, there are two main external forces supporting anti-Japanese forces in North Korea: the United States and China. The Americans' actions are spontaneous and grassroots. Through negotiations with the US government, Ito believes that the Americans will eventually back down, since what the Americans did in the Philippines was no better than what the Japanese did in North Korea.

The only problem lies with China. China, which shares a land border with the Korean Peninsula, is not a land neighbor that Japan can easily block. As long as the Chinese are willing to support the anti-Japanese forces in Korea, then the northern mountainous region of Korea will be a nightmare for the Japanese army, because Japan is not capable of engaging in a long-term struggle with the Korean militia, which has external resources, in the northern mountainous region of Korea.

If China were still under the Qing Dynasty, Japan could have used diplomatic means to force the Chinese to abandon their support for anti-Japanese resistance in Korea. However, this war also ignited Chinese national consciousness. In the war against Russia, the Chinese reaffirmed their territorial sovereignty over Manchuria and expressed their dissatisfaction with external forces invading Manchuria and the Korean Peninsula.

In Chinese public opinion, support for the independence of the Korean Kingdom has become mainstream, something unimaginable during the Qing Dynasty, when China couldn't even hold onto Manchuria and Outer Mongolia, let alone care about the Korean Peninsula's sovereignty. This war not only reaffirmed China's sovereignty over Outer Mongolia and Manchuria but also ignited a continental power's desire for control over land power. The Chinese believed Japan should not occupy any territory on the mainland, just as they believed Russia's borders should be west of Lake Baikal.

From the Chinese perspective, the Russians' extension of influence east of Lake Baikal and the Japanese's occupation of territory on the mainland would ultimately breed a desire to invade Chinese territory. Therefore, once Russia and Japan displayed such expansionist ambitions, it was essentially declaring hostility towards China. This is why the Chinese supported the Chita Republic, preventing St. Petersburg from sending troops to quell the rebellion there, and also supported anti-Japanese forces in northern Korea to prevent Japan from annexing the entire Korean Peninsula.

Even in Primorsky Krai, the Chinese, together with local indigenous people and Russian immigrants, imposed an economic blockade on Japanese merchants, clearly indicating that the Chinese did not believe the region would eventually fall under Japanese control. While China's national strength was not actually greater than it was at the time of the Boxer Rebellion, its expansionist ambitions were far greater.

During the Boxer Rebellion, the Manchu elites merely sought to withdraw foreign powers from North China, thereby maintaining their rule in the core region. The Manchu upper class and ordinary Chinese people simply wanted to return to their past lives and had no intention of vying with the foreign powers for regional control. Today, however, the Chinese are clearly vying for land power in East Asia. While they are open to developing Manchuria and the Far East, they emphasize China's control over these regions.

It is precisely because of this land power control mentality exhibited by the Chinese that Japan and China cannot persuade the Chinese to relinquish their influence over the Korean Peninsula through means other than war. As Yamagata argues, the Korean Peninsula is Japan's lifeline, and the Chinese believe that the Korean Peninsula is also the lifeline of Manchuria. Therefore, it is impossible for the two sides to reach a genuine consensus on this issue.

From the army's perspective, launching a new war against China is the solution, since the army's continental policy has always been aimed at war with China. However, given Japan's current internal and external situation, Ito is well aware that Japan cannot afford another major war. What Japan needs now is a period of peace to restore its national strength, not a war.

This is also why he sides with the navy. At least the navy's position eased tensions between Japan and China. Although the navy's southward expansion strategy put Japan in opposition to Western powers like Britain and France, the navy at least didn't propose a plan to go to war with the West. This means that the navy's southward expansion strategy won't trigger a major war, at least not at present. On the other hand, supporting the army could very likely trigger a war between Japan and China in the northern part of Korea in the short term.

This wasn't just Ito's assessment; the Imperial Court also shared this view. The Emperor summoned him back to suppress the army's war-mongering ambitions. The losses in the war against Russia and the Hibiya Incident had eroded the Imperial Court's confidence in continuing the war, leading him to place greater emphasis on the navy's East Asian peace plan.

At this juncture, it would be difficult for him to gain the Navy's approval to take action against Lin Xinyi. After much deliberation, Ito decided to talk to Lin Xinyi face-to-face, at least to understand what Lin Xinyi was planning before making a judgment.

Although somewhat surprised to receive Ito Hirobumi's invitation, Lin Xinyi still went to Ito's residence as agreed. He had actually anticipated that expressing his views on behalf of the Navy at Ogawa's residence would inevitably have some negative impact on him. However, this was a time when stagnation meant regression. If he did not clearly represent the Navy's position, then Yamamoto Gonnohyōe might not be able to integrate the cabinet's will and promote reform.

While Yamamoto, as Minister of the Navy, certainly wielded considerable influence within the navy, outside of it, he, like newly promoted ministers such as Ogawa Heikichi and Hara Yoshimichi, lacked significant influence. Furthermore, the political direction of the Yamamoto cabinet was drafted by the navy, not by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe himself. This further diminished Prime Minister Yamamoto's resolve to push forward with reforms with unwavering determination. Therefore, Hayashi Nobuyoshi personally intervened, explaining the navy's political philosophy to the five ministers who came from new technical bureaucratic backgrounds and demanding they clarify their position.

Chapter 686

Chapter 686

Ito Hirobumi scrutinized Lin Xinyi, who was sitting upright in front of him; this was a very formal meeting.

He didn't meet the other party in a ryokan (traditional Japanese restaurant) while enjoying entertainment. This is basically his current mode of dealing with people face-to-face. After all, with his current status, he no longer needs to observe the psychology of ordinary people to adjust his conversation style. Time is the most precious thing.

In fact, Ito and Hayashi Nobuyoshi did not meet many times. Most of their meetings were before Hayashi Nobuyoshi went to the Naval Academy. However, Ito was not unfamiliar with Hayashi Nobuyoshi, as the two had maintained correspondence. Except for a period of time after Hayashi Nobuyoshi graduated, Ito later learned that Hayashi Nobuyoshi had gone to Tibet and India.

In general, whenever Lin Xinyi returned to Japan, he would write to Ito Hirobumi regularly. Besides his standard reports analyzing the international situation, he would also mention his own recent activities. Therefore, Ito Hirobumi was not entirely unaware of Lin Xinyi's life experiences over the past few years. Of course, the key question is: whose life experiences were worth remembering?

In fact, it's only those Ito truly values ​​who require him to understand their life experiences. Only by understanding these experiences can he analyze a person's mindset. This is the key reason why he was willing to talk to Lin Xinyi first. At least for now, he still feels that Lin Xinyi is a young talent he has watched grow up, not someone he knows nothing about.

This is actually quite crucial. After all, at Ito Hirobumi's age and status, it's difficult for him to easily trust someone anymore. Unless there's been long-term observation and interaction, Ito won't have any heart-to-heart talks with others. He'll give a push to those he can use and trample on those he can't—that's his usual attitude towards his juniors.

Under Ito's scrutiny, Lin Xinyi felt the pressure, but he wasn't as nervous as he had been a few years ago. When he was first summoned by Ito Hirobumi, he felt a kind of imposing presence, as if a leader he had only seen on television in later years had suddenly appeared in front of him, making him feel at a loss.

This sense of awe is actually similar to that of a rabbit seeing an eagle. The positions of the two in the food chain determine their mentality. The eagle doesn't care what the rabbit thinks or does. If it wants to, it can make a rabbit disappear from the world completely. The rabbit, apart from avoiding the eagle's sight, can hardly cause any harm to the eagle.

Therefore, Qin Wuyang's loss of composure upon meeting the King of Qin was actually the mindset of an ordinary person; Jing Ke's nonchalance was abnormal. Lin Xinyi was able to withstand the imposing aura emanating from Ito Hirobumi during their meeting entirely because of the time traveler's condescending view of the ancients and a Chinese person's historical hatred towards the Japanese, which offset the mental pressure brought about by the huge difference in their social status.

This meeting was quite different from the previous ones. Having experienced a series of life-and-death battles in Tibet and India, Lin Xinyi had finally built up strong self-confidence. He no longer regarded Ito Hirobumi as a historical figure, but as his political rival. Although this sounds unbelievable, it was the reality. The political path pursued by the Navy inevitably led to competition with the Army and other political factions, and Ito Hirobumi was naturally a major rival that could not be bypassed.

Of course, Ito Hirobumi is not the Navy's political enemy. In fact, the two sides share common interests on some political issues. That's why Hayashi Shin-yi visited so quickly after receiving the invitation. He needed to give Ito Hirobumi the explanation he wanted in order to prevent Ito from turning against the Navy. Given the Navy's current political influence, it would probably be difficult to resist the alliance between Ito and Yamagata.

While Lin Xinyi was pondering these random thoughts, Ito Hirobumi finally lowered his scrutinizing stance and asked him, "I heard that you made some remarks with several cabinet members at the Ogawa residence yesterday. Were these your thoughts, or the Navy's thoughts?"

Lin Xinyi was not surprised that Ito was able to obtain the content of yesterday's meeting speech. Since he made such remarks in front of the five ministers, he was naturally prepared for them to be leaked. After all, he could not expect these ministers to withstand the political pressure on the Navy. Only when the Navy resisted the political pressure from the opponents would these ministers promote the Navy's political line according to the Navy's requirements.

Of course, he was also slightly surprised by Ito Hirobumi's frankness. He had thought Ito would be more tactful, since Japanese people don't usually like to tell the truth. However, Ito's question wasn't difficult for him, because he had already thought about how to explain the navy's political direction before the meeting yesterday. He just didn't expect that the answer he had prepared for someone else would be used by him first.

After a moment's thought, he replied, "Strictly speaking, this was actually your idea, Lord Marquis. I merely transformed your idea into the political direction of the navy."

Ito was also surprised to hear such an answer, and asked in astonishment, "My claim? When did I ever make such a claim?"

Lin Xinyi calmly recited several letters Ito had written to him, and then concluded: "I have thought about these letters that the Marquis wrote to me. They are teaching me that the military should obey the political needs of the country and establish a system in which the army obeys the government. Am I wrong in my understanding?"

Hirobumi Ito was stumped by the question. Indeed, that was what he had said to Shinji Hayashi in his letter. This was the same thing he had told Moritai. His original intention was to plant a seed in the navy, to cultivate a young admiral who could obey government orders, thereby breaking the Satsuma clique's monopoly on the navy.

His expectation for Hayashi Nobuyoshi was that Hayashi Nobuyoshi could become Admiral Kodama in the navy, a pillar of the government, not a pillar of the feudal lords. Therefore, in their correspondence, he consistently instilled in Hayashi the idea that the military should be loyal to the country, and that the government, not a specific individual—the Emperor—naturally represented the country.

This was also the key reason why Ito and Yamagata parted ways politically. Yamagata believed that the Emperor was the personification of the nation, and loyalty to the Emperor was loyalty to the nation. Ito, on the other hand, believed that the Emperor was merely a symbol of national unity and a spiritual anchor for the people, but not a concrete representative of the nation; only the government represented the nation.

Of course, neither Ito nor Yamagata actually advocated for the emperor to rule personally. They both viewed the emperor's position from the perspective of what would benefit their own rule. Yamagata, as the leader of the military, tried to lead the government through the emperor and make the country subordinate to military strategy. Ito, on the other hand, tried to make the emperor a spiritual belief for the people and, in practical politics, established a civil service system, which was actually no different from the Tokugawa shogunate's way of ruling.

Therefore, when Lin Xinyi used Ito's teachings in the letter to answer Ito Hirobumi's questions, Ito Hirobumi was momentarily confused. He only needed to think for a moment to understand that, regardless of Lin Xinyi's way of interfering in politics, the theory of Asian cooperation he presented in the secret meeting yesterday was actually a proposition to subordinate military strategy to political strategy.

He summoned Lin Xinyi to warn against military personnel's involvement in politics. According to regulations, only the Minister of the Navy and the Chief of the Naval General Staff are allowed to participate in politics within the navy. As an ordinary officer, Lin Xinyi cannot represent the navy in making political statements. If the matter were to be investigated, he could use this incident to demand that the navy punish Lin Xinyi.

His reason for meeting with Lin Xinyi was to find out what Lin Xinyi was up to and then try to save this young man he had high hopes for. However, if Lin Xinyi continued to act recklessly, he would not tolerate the destruction of the national system that he had worked his whole life to build.

However, Lin Xinyi's answer was like a blow to his head, putting him in a dilemma. He could certainly continue to rebuke Lin Xinyi on this matter, but that would mean that he had ruined the opportunity to make military strategy subordinate to political strategy.