Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 95

Tang Shaoyi was not unaware of Yuan Shikai's concerns. The sudden emergence of the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee did indeed change the domestic landscape, leading to favorable changes in both the Qing Dynasty's domestic and foreign affairs.

Tang Shaoyi also understood that without the rise of such a powerful local force, the Manchus would never have relinquished power, and the foreign powers would never have eased their pressure on Beijing.

Because both the Manchus and the foreign powers understood that a new force had emerged in China that could replace Beijing, and since they could not eliminate it militarily, they could only make changes to the country to quell the anger of the lower classes. The foreign powers were also unwilling to risk the loss of the already subdued Manchus and force them to step down, replacing them with a group of unruly nationalists as the leaders of China.

Of course, Tang Shaoyi, like the Manchu nobles, did not understand why the Boxer Rebellion would provoke retaliation from the Eight-Nation Alliance. However, the actions of the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee in resisting the warships of various countries led to concessions from the powers to Wuhan, which was clearly beyond their understanding of the powers.

Although Tang Shaoyi, as a young student sent to the United States, had a level of understanding of the situation in Europe and America that the Manchu nobles could not match, just as the Manchu nobles feared the warships and cannons of the great powers, he also deeply revered the international order established by the great powers. This was because during his studies abroad, he was taught that the order established by the great powers was sacred and inviolable.

Tang Shaoyi was, of course, unaware of the domestication theories of later generations. Indians would tie baby elephants to a pillar with ropes. Because the young elephants were too weak to break the pillar, they would gradually accept the idea that the pillar was sturdy. So when they grew up, even if they could easily break the pillar, they would not try to break it, because the idea that the pillar could not be destroyed by them had been planted in their subconscious.

The essence of these young students studying in the United States is to accept the idea that the rules set by the Western world are the best and most civilized. In particular, those students who study law, when they have unwavering faith in the laws set by the West, naturally cannot have the idea of ​​resisting Western laws.

For the great powers, maintaining the international order they had established using their fleets was far too costly, far less efficient and cost-effective than cultivating intellectuals from ethnic minorities. This is why the British particularly encouraged Indian elites to study law in Britain. Even if these Indians did not graduate from British universities, they could still obtain Indian law licenses and have opportunities to enter the British Indian government after returning to India, because these Indian elites' way of thinking had already been Anglicized.

The Chinese Educational Mission to the United States was essentially a form of colonial elite education that the Americans learned from the British. Of course, this educational philosophy, which attempted to instill American values, was immediately opposed by the Qing government. They sent these Chinese Educational Missions to the United States to maintain the rule of the Qing Dynasty, not to destroy it. Therefore, the conflict between the two sides led to the interruption of the Chinese Educational Mission to the United States program.

Initially, they sympathized with the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee because the rise of this local power directly broke the Manchu dictatorship and thwarted the powers' attempts to partition China, thus giving these overseas students an opportunity to speak on politics, namely to promote China's constitutional reform, transform China into a civilized country, and find their place in the international order created by the powers.

According to Tang Shaoyi and other overseas students, the reason why the great powers regard China as a barbaric Eastern monarchy is not because of China's monarchical system, but because China's existing Eastern monarchical system cannot adapt to the principles of interaction between civilized nations established by Western monarchical countries. This is because Western monarchical systems have abandoned the tradition of divine right of kings and turned to the theory of social contract. The monarch is only the representative of the people, not the representative of God. This is also the basis for the peaceful coexistence of Western monarchies and republics.

This foundation was laid after the Thirty Years' War and the Napoleonic Wars, at the cost of countless lives lost in Europe. This is also why Tsarist Russia could never truly integrate into Europe. Whether or not a constitution is adopted is essentially a fundamental characteristic of the divine right of kings or popular election. Only on this basis can people share the same values ​​and establish international norms that both sides can abide by.

Of course, for the Manchus, even the slightest transfer of power would result in bloodshed, as seen in the Hundred Days' Reform and the Boxer Rebellion, both instances of resistance stemming from the Manchu nobility's unwillingness to relinquish power. Therefore, the constitutional appeals of overseas students with no real power were naturally ignored. This is why Tang Shaoyi and others initially thought the emergence of the Wuhan Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee was a good thing, as it forced the Manchus to choose between reform and annihilation.

However, the path of social reform chosen by the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee was by no means the civilized path that Tang Shaoyi and other overseas students recognized. This was because this path was not the gentle reform path of Britain, but the violent path of the French Revolution. As a child student sent to the United States, Tang Shaoyi was naturally familiar with the French Revolution.

Although Americans have absorbed many revolutionary ideas from the French Revolution and are culturally more aligned with the republican system, in practice, the United States actually adopts British-style liberalism. Currently, it is the British Empire that loudly proclaims the defense of freedom, and Americans have inherited this political ethic, which is more deeply ingrained in their hearts than the French republican system they formally embraced.

Therefore, political education in American universities during this era was most hostile to democracy, because democracy was precisely what led to the mob rule of the French Revolution and destroyed traditional French culture. Tang Shaoyi viewed the path chosen by the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee as precisely the mob rule of the French Revolution, and naturally, he could not agree with it.

However, democracy, which receives mixed reviews in Europe and America, is a positive term in China. This is because democracy is the most compelling banner against monarchical tyranny, just as the Estates-General overthrew Louis XVI. Modern China needs democracy even more than freedom.

Some rural tycoons who don't understand democracy and freedom at all interpret it literally, seeing democracy as a powerful tool to oppose imperial power, unaware that Robespierre used democracy to behead countless members of their gentry class.

Therefore, Tang Shaoyi and other overseas students believed that only Yuan Shikai could save China now. They could neither let the Manchus drag the country to its grave nor let it fall into the hands of a mob. If Yuan Shikai, as a military strongman, could accept constitutionalism, he could undoubtedly become the Napoleon who saved France.

With many thoughts flashing through his mind, Tang Shaoyi still advised Yuan Shikai, "Wuhan is backed by the Germans, but the world order was still established by the British. As long as the Germans cannot directly challenge Britain, Wuhan's opposition to the agreement between the court and Britain will not receive German support. How can Wuhan, without German support, be a match for the Grand Tutor?"

After pondering for a long time, Yuan Shikai said, "That's true, but right now our Beiyang is being held back by the Russians. Even if Wuhan doesn't stab us in the back at this time, they can just withdraw their support and become fishermen watching from the sidelines. We still can't turn against them at this time."

I think we should still talk to Wuhan. We can discuss anything they want, such as handing over Sichuan and Tibet to Wuhan. The imperial court is currently powerless over these two regions, and they'll inevitably fall into Wuhan's hands sooner or later. We might as well go with the flow and make a deal with Wuhan. As long as they assume responsibility for the defense of Tibet and achieve peace with Britain, I think they won't continue to oppose us.”

Tang Shaoyi also thought this was a good idea, but he still hesitated about handing over Tibet and Sichuan all at once. He said, "It's fine to hand over Tibet, but wouldn't handing over Sichuan to Wuhan also be too much of a boost to Wuhan's power? Sichuan has a population of nearly 4000 million. If Wuhan takes control of it, they will have a quarter of China's population."

Hearing this, Yuan Shikai couldn't help but feel a little flustered, but he quickly calmed down and said, "Xiliang and the General of Chengdu have sent telegrams several times, requesting the court to send troops into Sichuan, otherwise Sichuan will not belong to the court. Sichuan is in chaos now. Not only are there forces in Wuhan, but there are also local secret societies that are seizing power. The Governor-General of Sichuan's orders can no longer leave Chengdu Prefecture."

But what power does the imperial court have to send troops into Sichuan? If the court had such power, wouldn't it be better to just take Wuhan directly? Now most of Henan has been separated from it by the railway from Wuhan. The Henan governor can only control the area east of the Lu-Han Railway. The area west of the Lu-Han Railway is far from the emperor's reach. They either obey Wuhan's orders or close themselves off and engage in gentry self-governance, completely disregarding the imperial court.

This isn't even the worst-case scenario. Wuhan has already built the Bianluo Railway, and now they're starting construction on the Luotong Railway. Zhan Tianyou was truly a talent; the Xiashiyi Tunnel project, it's said, was designed without hiring foreign engineers, and it's already under construction. If Wuhan were to extend this railway to Xi'an, would Shaanxi still obey the imperial court?

The Yellow River Bridge on Luhan Road is reportedly progressing smoothly and should be open to traffic in two or three months at most. This would mean direct train journeys from Wuhan to Beijing and Tianjin without changing trains, and the express train from Wuhan to Beijing would only take about 30 hours. Shaochuan, I'm terrified! These Hubei people are so recklessly pursuing development; what will become of our Beiyang government?

Rather than forcing them to turn their attention north, it would be better to send them to Sichuan. No matter how good Sichuan is, it is ultimately a place for defense. It's easy for them to go in, but difficult for them to come out. I think it will take Wuhan at least five or six years to swallow Sichuan. In those five or six years, we will be able to finish this war with the Russians.

Next, we also need to build railways. We need to build railways from Beijing to Zhangjiakou, Datong, Guihua City and Kulun. Only by connecting the Northwest region with Zhili and Shandong through railways can we stop worrying about the Northwest being controlled by Wuhan, and thus have the foundation to defend the South from the North.

If Wuhan were to first extend the railway to Guanzhong, and then further into Shanxi and Inner Mongolia, Zhili and Shandong would be effectively blocked off. Not to mention Sichuan, I can't even guarantee that the north could be held. Therefore, if the British truly want to support us, they should lend us money to build this railway. Only when the railway connecting Beijing to Guihua, Datong, and Xi'an is completed can the situation in the north truly stabilize…”

Chapter 335 The Russians are getting serious

Given the current situation, Yuan Shikai no longer cared much about the Manchus' opinion of him, because the Manchus had no troops left. After the Russians went to war against the Qing Dynasty, the Manchus actually dared not go to the front lines. Although the methods used in Wuhan were quite brutal, they did what Yuan Shikai wanted to do but dared not do, thus stripping the Manchus of their power.

The Manchus conquered China through force; without force, they were nothing. Whether viewed from the perspective of Sinology or ethnicity, the Manchus had no legal basis to rule China. As for the so-called claim to the succession to the Qing Empire's territory, the Qing Dynasty was practically a colony of foreign powers; what territorial issues were you talking about then?

Therefore, to paraphrase Cao Cao, "The strongest in the world are only the Wuhan and Beiyang Fleet." Everyone else can boast of their eloquence, but what use are they against the warships and cannons of the great powers? For example, if the Russians were to attack Shanhaiguan now, which of the Qingliu faction, constitutionalists, or revolutionaries could possibly stand in their way? Wouldn't it still be the Beiyang Fleet and the Wuhan Fleet that would hold them off?

Therefore, if any upheaval were to occur, the Beiyang Army's number one enemy would be Wuhan, not anyone else. As for the foreign powers, none of them could rival the Beiyang Army, because the Beiyang Army couldn't withstand the pressure. If it weren't for the support from Britain and Japan, and the reinforcements sent from Wuhan to the north, the Beiyang Army would not have been able to fight against the Russians.

It was precisely because Wuhan took this stance of defending the country that the Beiyang Army had no choice but to do everything in its power to resist the Russian army's southward advance. If it were up to Yuan Shikai and some Beiyang generals, they would have been happy to watch from the sidelines again, but this time they could not shirk their responsibility, since the Russian army was attacking Beiyang territory.

Although Yuan Shikai was unwilling to fight the Russians to the death, he couldn't simply hand over his territory to them. He didn't believe that Wuhan would force the Beiyang Army to retreat south of the Yellow River, and that the Northwest was too barren to support the Beiyang Army. Therefore, at that moment, the Beiyang Army and Wuhan should at least stand on the same side.

However, he did not give up hope of making a secret peace with Russia. It's just that Russia at this time had no intention of negotiating peace with the Chinese. The Russian army's two failed attacks on Shanhaiguan, coupled with the previous setbacks in Outer Mongolia, were triggering political turmoil within Russia.

The declaration of war against China was essentially a continuation of the 1900 policy of attacking xenophobic forces within China. This policy seemed perfectly justified in 1900, enjoying widespread support among the Russian people as a punitive war against the perceived barbarity of the Chinese. However, as the atrocities committed by the Eight-Nation Alliance in China—including murder, robbery, and rape—were exposed, European intellectuals began to view the war in 1901 as less honorable and glorious. The numerous massacres of civilians perpetrated by Russians and Germans in China further complicated matters, making it difficult to convince the European public that civilization had triumphed over barbarism.

In particular, the British, in an effort to whitewash their infamous concentration camp policy during the Boer War, extensively exposed the atrocities committed by the Eight-Nation Alliance in China, aiming to demonstrate that the armies of other nations were no more noble than the British. While this action by British public opinion did divert attention from the brutality of the British army in the Boer War, it also undermined the legitimacy of the colonial wars waged by the great powers.

The Russians were hit the hardest. Nicholas II believed that ruling the country was the monarch's natural right, a right that came from God, not the people. Therefore, he did not need the people's support and hated their opposition. He felt that the most correct choice was for the people to keep quiet on matters of state.

Therefore, Russian political commentators, either abroad or by relaying foreign newspaper reports, criticize the government's actions, which over time has created a powerful overseas public opinion. Whether the Russian government's actions are right or wrong, the Russian people should not look to domestic newspapers for answers, but rather to foreign newspapers.

Foreign newspapers' criticism of the Russian army's actions in the Far East rendered the Russian government's claim of a "war to defend the motherland" futile. The Russian people were well aware that the Russian army's actions in Manchuria and Outer Mongolia were a war of aggression. Imperialists could promote it, and as long as the Russian army maintained its victories, the majority of the people would accept the fait accompli.

But when the Russian army suffered a defeat in such a war of aggression, the Russian people’s sense of justice erupted. “Who started this immoral war? Who made this war fail?” These two questions became the beginning of the people’s questioning of the government’s decisions, and the dissatisfaction with the Tsarist autocratic government that had been accumulating in the past began to gradually erupt.

The system of Tsarist Russia differed greatly from that of Europe. Even Prussia, the most militaristic state in Europe, was more enlightened compared to the autocratic system of Tsarist Russia. Therefore, when Germany wanted to change course, Wilhelm II could force Bismarck to step down, thus steering Germany toward a new direction, without triggering public suspicion or division.

However, in Tsarist Russia, policy reversals were almost always brought to a head by the ruler, and even the holy Tsar could not escape his inevitable fate. Russia's war against China failed to yield positive results, and the discontent of the Russian people finally manifested in action: Interior Minister Vyacheslav Plevy was assassinated late one November night while returning to his residence by carriage.

As the key figure of the Bezobrazov group, Plev's assassination signifies only one thing: the adventurist policies in the Far East promoted by this group have been abandoned by the Russian elite. If the Russian army fails to achieve a significant victory on the Far Eastern front, the Bezobrazov group's influence on Russian politics will soon vanish.

In order to maintain his position, Far East Governor-General Alexeyev naturally wouldn't consider talking about peace with the Chinese. What he needed now was a glorious victory, a landmark victory like their occupation of Manchuria and Beijing in 1900. Only at such a moment would it be time to discuss peace with the Chinese.

俄历12月13日，也就是公历12月26日，阿尼西莫夫少将再一次指挥军队向着距离绥中不足20公里的清军狗河防线发起了进攻。绥中作为俄军的前线指挥部，距离俄军前线大约为15公里，也就是说清军和俄军前线之间的距离也就3到5公里。

To the southeast of both armies was the coastline, and to the northwest were hills and mountains. The relatively flat passage in the middle was no more than 20 kilometers wide. According to European military theory at the time, the attack front of a division was only 3 kilometers wide, but in reality, it was quite normal for an attack front of a division to be 9-10 kilometers wide.

Major General Anisimov commanded two divisions and one brigade, totaling 3.5 infantrymen. Governor Alekseyev also allocated him 45 artillery pieces of various sizes. Because the temporary military railway from the South Manchurian Railway to Xinmin Compound had been completed, the Russian army's logistics were guaranteed. For this battle, the Russian army transported 3 artillery shells, hoping to break through the Qing army's defenses in one fell swoop and capture Shanhaiguan to avenge the previous defeat.

In addition to reinforcements to the army, two protected cruisers, the Ascord and Parada, also formed a squadron and arrived in the waters near the battlefield. These two cruisers are no longer the small gunboats of the past, but large warships of 6000 tons. At least at present, China does not have the ability to confront these two behemoths at sea.

However, the Russian Navy did not find any valuable targets for artillery fire. Perhaps the Chinese knew they were at a disadvantage at sea, so they made sufficient concealment of their defenses on the sea side, leaving nothing exposed for the Russian Navy to bombard.

Major General Anisimov felt no regret about the operation, viewing it as an opportunity for the army to redeem itself, and therefore had no intention of involving the navy. At 9:00 AM on the 26th, the Russian army prepared for the attack, and at 9:05 AM, Major General Anisimov ordered the artillery to begin firing on the Qing army positions.

However, the Russian artillery couldn't actually find a more valuable target than the navy, because the Qing army had concealed themselves with trenches, a situation the Russians had never encountered before. Of course, there weren't many Russian officers in this army who had actually experienced major battles; most only had experience in counterinsurgency operations against indigenous inhabitants in Siberia or Central Asia.

Therefore, the artillery believed that even if they couldn't see the enemy, firing at their positions would still cause the Chinese to flee in terror. This time, the Russian army followed regulations perfectly, firing for an hour before the infantry attack, unleashing over 1200 shells. Under such intense bombardment, the once snow-covered land turned black, and the underlying soil was churned up.

The Russian soldiers were greatly encouraged because, from their perspective, there was almost no one on the Chinese position, and no one was putting up any resistance. It seemed like an empty field, which meant that the Chinese must have been intimidated. Now all they had to do was rush up and take the position.

The Russian army advanced in two groups, left and right, at a distance of about one kilometer from the Qing army's position. With a shout of "Hurrah!", the Russian army switched from marching to jogging. The distance of one kilometer could be covered in less than three minutes. Although there was a small river ahead, the Russian army had already discovered that the river was frozen and could be crossed by men and horses. This was also the reason why the Russian army had delayed the start of the battle until today.

After the artillery fire ceased, Peng Chufan poked his head out of the trench. Behind him, squads of soldiers were pouring into the front lines from the rear communication trenches and then dispersing to their posts. While the Russian army had been amassing troops and ammunition for nearly three months, the Chinese army hadn't been idle either. Temporary trenches were reinforced and deepened, and numerous communication trenches were erected, connecting the front and rear lines to conceal the army's movements.

Not only did the Hubei army begin to get used to this trench warfare tactic, but even the Beiyang Army started to accept it. After experiencing the Russian artillery, especially the Russian navy's cannons, no Beiyang soldier wanted to stand on flat ground and be bombarded. Regardless of whether this tactic could defeat the Russians, it could at least protect them, which had already been proven.

Chapter 336 Trench Warfare

The Russian army clearly did not expect that the Chinese army would be able to refine its trench tactics to a level similar to that of Europe in just over two months. Most of the tactics used by the Chinese had already been used by European armies, but the European armies had not yet combined them together.

However, the Hubei New Army, who studied under the Japanese Naval Landing School, conducted further in-depth research on the two major tactics taught at the school: guerrilla warfare and trench warfare. Lin Xinyi primarily studied these two tactics at the Naval Landing School because he was considering anti-aggression warfare, not aggression warfare.

It can be said that when the Hubei New Army turned to learning these two tactics, it was as if it had embarked on a path that ran counter to the mainstream military theory of Europe at that time. Since these two tactics could not be used in colonial wars between industrialized countries and agricultural countries, they were naturally not valued by Europeans, and even the emerging Japan did not bother to study them.

The Russians, who considered themselves a land power in Europe, naturally wouldn't bother studying these tactics. To this day, the Russian army hasn't equipped its troops with equipment for digging trenches or navigating barbed wire. The barbed wire the Chinese erected in front of their lines wasn't the towering, impenetrable kind; instead, it consisted of several rows of low wire barriers, about 80 centimeters high, with gaps in the middle. It looked like a simple jump would be enough to scale, and the gaps, though narrow, could allow three to five people to pass through. Therefore, Russian commanders never even considered bringing any tools to destroy it.

However, when the Russian attacking phalanx reached the barbed wire, the Russians realized that the barbed wire's greatest function was not to prevent them from passing, but to disrupt their formation and slow their advance. The Chinese did this because they had designated the area in front of the barbed wire as an artillery zone.

The Russian army's first offensive ended in complete failure. Although the Russian attacking forces in the south, close to the coastline, were able to cross the sandy beaches, they soon found it difficult to outflank the Qing army. This was because the Chinese had deployed what appeared to be more soldiers in the hilly areas along the coastline than on the front lines. The Russian army could only suffer flank fire from these areas and ultimately retreated in disarray.

The Russian troops attacking the enemy positions head-on fared even worse. These Russians, halting at the barbed wire, were intercepted by Chinese artillery and machine guns. The Russians, clustered together by the barbed wire, suffered heavy losses. Even the Russians themselves couldn't figure out where the Chinese got so many cannons. They could only vaguely discern Qing artillery positions in the northwestern hills, at least one or two battalions in size, but they couldn't find any artillery hidden in front of them. Therefore, they could only guess that the Chinese had placed the cannons below ground level, meaning that the Chinese had dug a sunken artillery emplacement behind their own lines.

Faced with such trench warfare tactics, the Russian army could only intensify its artillery bombardment and continue organizing assaults. By the end of the first day of fighting, the Russian army had launched three formal assaults and several small-unit attacks, but their best achievement was only reaching within 60 meters of the enemy's first trench before being wiped out by a barrage of grenades. During this day, at least three Russian battalions were completely rendered combat ineffective, and nearly 4000 rounds of artillery ammunition were consumed.

In the following days, besides increasing the duration of their artillery bombardment and sending infantry to probe the enemy lines, the most imaginative thing the Russian army did was to request two cruisers at sea to provide auxiliary support for the Qing army's positions. However, the indiscriminate firing of the warships did not have any positive impact on the Russian army; every Russian attack was met with fierce resistance from the Qing army.

The British officers who observed the battle reported to Tianjin as follows: "...an extremely boring battle, with no glory to be seen...it seems that both sides are here just to kill each other...fortunately, the Chinese did not know how to fight like this a few years ago, otherwise our attack on Beijing would have been a disaster."

The British officer's assessment of the Russian army was: "The Russian soldiers are quite excellent; they are brave and hardworking. However, their officers are clearly a bunch of bastards. These Russian officers have almost no tactics whatsoever, except for ordering their men to charge... The number of officers in Russian companies is completely insufficient; even such bastards are sometimes only one or two in some companies..."

However, ten days into the battle, Russian troops did manage to take over the Chinese positions, though not by force, but by the Chinese voluntarily withdrawing. The Chinese withdrew because the position had been almost completely destroyed by Russian artillery fire. They clearly believed that continuing there was disadvantageous, and thus chose to retreat.

When the Russian commander stood on the Chinese positions and observed westward, he discovered that the Chinese had not moved very far. Behind this defensive line, the Chinese had established a new one. In other words, in the past ten days, they had suffered more than 6000 casualties and fired 3.5 shells, only to capture Chinese positions less than 3 kilometers deep. And from here to Shanhaiguan, there were at least seven or eight more such positions, and from Shanhaiguan to Beijing, who knew how many more Chinese were waiting for them.

After leaving the Chinese positions, Major General Anisimov immediately sent a telegram to the Far East Governor-General's Office. In the telegram, he frankly told the Governor-General: "...Judging from the current situation, a frontal attack on Shanhaiguan is clearly unwise, as the Chinese have already amassed a large force along this route. If we want to break through Shanhaiguan, we will pay an extremely heavy price..."

Major General Anisimov attempted to inform Governor-General Alexeyev, who was enjoying wine and dances in the Kwantung region, about the difficulties the Russian army was facing at the front. However, his telegram angered the governor-general, who angrily addressed his generals: "I truly misjudged General Anisimov. I originally thought he could at least avenge the humiliations our country suffered, but I never expected him to be such a coward. Does he want to tell the European nations that the Imperial army is afraid to engage in direct combat with these barbarians?"

Faced with the Governor-General's wrath, the generals present were almost speechless with fear. Everyone knew that because of the assassination of the Minister of the Interior, Plevee, the Governor-General had lost a powerful supporter in St. Petersburg. This had led to the spread of some bad rumors about the Governor-General in St. Petersburg, such as news that the Governor-General had embezzled military funds to buy jewelry for his mistress.

If the campaign against China proceeds smoothly and brilliantly, the unfavorable rumors surrounding the Governor-General will quickly disappear, as victory can overshadow everything. However, the successive defeats of the Russian army will allow these rumors to fester and eventually become a bomb that shakes the Governor-General's authority.

However, Nikolai Mikhailovich Voronov, as the chief of staff of the governor's office, could not ignore the difficulties raised by Major General Anisimov. After the governor's anger was vented, he still spoke up to persuade him: "Your Excellency, General Anisimov has finally captured the Chinese position. We have at least achieved some progress."

As for the difficulties raised by General Anisimov, I believe they cannot be ignored. To allow him to continue the offensive, we must at least replenish our ammunition and troops; otherwise, our gains will be lost again. St. Petersburg probably won't understand the difficulties at the front; they'll only care about where the front line is held…”

Alekseev quickly understood his subordinate's meaning: under no circumstances could Major General Anisimov be allowed to retreat now, otherwise the Chinese could claim another victory. He could understand the Chinese's tendency to pat themselves on the back, but he truly could not tolerate this kind of behavior of gloating over their own reputation.

In the past, nobody cared about news from China, but after the Chinese caused trouble in India, the British became particularly keen to report on the war between China and Russia, as if the Russian army's humiliation could wash away the British defeat in India. However, Alexeyev knew that this was at least effective in St. Petersburg. The elites and intellectuals of St. Petersburg were now discussing his embezzlement of military funds, which led to the war's setbacks, and few people were paying attention to what was happening in India.

After a long silence, he finally spoke up and asked, "Is General Anisimov still capable of his job? How many more people do we need to send to him to restore his confidence?"

After a moment's thought, Voronov said, "We need to reinforce him with at least one division, and we also need to continue transporting artillery shells to the front. According to General Anisimov, the only way to deal with the Chinese positions is with artillery, and he requests larger caliber artillery, or to send more cruisers."

Pacific Fleet Chief of Staff Witgeft opposed sending the warships out of Port Arthur at this time. He believed that it was a time for the warships to be inspected and for the fleet's officers and men to take leave. Calling them up for combat at this time would delay the warships' normal sailing plans for next year and would also provoke Japan and Britain.

Following a series of defeats in the war against China, the Russians began to be more wary of Japan. Although Witgeft’s caution displeased Alekseyev, he ultimately followed his advice. As an admiral, he cared about how his naval officers and men perceived him.

Chief of Staff Voronov then seized the opportunity to suggest that Major General Pavel Ivanovich Mishinko lead a cavalry unit in a probing attack on Rehe and other areas to distract the Chinese and perhaps open a passage to Beijing. Governor-General Alekseev finally accepted the Chief of Staff's suggestion this time, agreeing to open a second front outside the Shanhaiguan battlefield.

While the Russians regrouped their offensive, the Japanese were debating whether to intervene. The army remained calm, but the navy hesitated after seeing two Russian cruisers enter the Bohai Sea, unsure whether to seize them. This was because the war was not quite what the navy had initially envisioned. In their plan, a unified China would engage in a life-or-death struggle with Russia, with Russia launching a major invasion and ultimately using its naval fleet to blockade the Yangtze River and canals, forcing Beijing to surrender.

However, with the emergence of the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, China is now showing signs of division. The earthquake in Outer Mongolia, coupled with the Russian army's unsuccessful attack on Shanhaiguan, has made it almost impossible for the Russian Pacific Fleet to be deployed.

Since the Russian army in the north could not open the passage into Shanhaiguan, it meant that the two sides were still far from a life-or-death struggle. The Russian Navy's blockade of the Yangtze River could not be the decisive factor. Instead, it would make the war even more uncontrollable. Therefore, the navy believed that the plan to destroy a part of the Russian Navy at the mouth of the Yangtze River was unlikely to succeed, so the plan needed to be readjusted.

However, the army was much more composed than the navy at this time. They believed that Japan was in a good position and that it was more important to let China and Russia continue to wear down Japan than to defeat Russia. Therefore, they rejected the navy's proposal to intervene in the war.

Chapter 337 Debate

"What is this war all about? Money and supplies. We still have to agree to the British conditions. Without British support, we simply cannot afford to fight this war, let alone contend for Wuhan..." Ruan Zhongshu had been moving around Yuan Shikai every day for the past two days, nagging him to reach an agreement with the British as soon as possible.

On January 6, the Russian offensive finally came to an end. For the Beiyang Army, the fighting over the past ten days had served as a wake-up call. The Russian offensive suffered heavy losses, but the Chinese army also suffered considerable casualties, around 2000 men, with more than 800 killed in action, half of whom were from the Beiyang Army.

The troops engaged the Russian army at the front consisted of approximately 12 battalions, including 4 battalions from the Hubei New Army and 8 battalions from the Beiyang Army. However, the casualties on both sides were remarkably evenly split. Yuan Shikai naturally knew what this meant. Either the Hubei New Army fought poorly, or the Hubei New Army was braver than the Beiyang Army, which explained the balanced casualty figures.

When Feng Guozhang returned from the front lines, Yuan Shikai summoned him to inquire about the actual situation at the front. After thinking for a long time, Feng Guozhang replied to him: "The Hubei New Army is indeed extraordinary. Their casualties are all caused by direct combat, not by mishandling by officers or desertion by soldiers."

After pondering for a few moments, Yuan Shikai asked again, "What exactly is unusual about our army? Where exactly is our army lacking? Is it a problem with training or equipment?"

Feng Guozhang shook his head and said, "In my humble opinion, it's just a matter of one breath. When the Russians charge, they can shout 'Long live the motherland!' When the Huguang New Army counterattacks, they shout 'Long live the people!' We Beiyang Army have no slogans to shout. Even if we were to force them to come up with a slogan, it probably wouldn't give them any courage."

Therefore, whenever it came to a critical moment, the Hubei-Hunan New Army was always able to withstand the Russian charge, while our army could only follow behind and launch counterattacks. Relying solely on our army's strength, it's unlikely we could have held out for so long..."

Feng Guozhang told his benefactor the truth, but this was clearly not the answer Yuan Shikai wanted to hear. He also knew that this was not a problem Feng Guozhang could solve; even he himself could only compose a few songs to encourage soldiers to learn bravery from Zhao Zilong and Zhang Fei, but he couldn't find any other solutions.

He could make the Beiyang Army choose between the court and himself, and he could make them shout that they would die for their commander-in-chief, but he couldn't actually make them die while chanting slogans. Even if there were such people under him, he wouldn't dare to believe it. Chinese tradition only had "when the ruler commands the subject to die, the subject has no choice but to die" and "a good minister chooses his lord to serve," not "sacrifice for the country."

Why are Wen Tianxiang and Shi Kefa so highly praised? Because such figures are extremely rare among scholars. The Confucian doctrine of protecting one's relatives and friends could actually produce someone like Wen Tianxiang—the probability is about the same as growing good wheat from weeds. Zhao Pu, Sima Guang, and Qin Hui were the true inheritors of Confucianism.

Therefore, Yuan Shikai could shout about loyalty to the emperor and patriotism while betraying Emperor Guangxu to Empress Dowager Cixi, and he could turn the army funded by the state into the Beiyang Army, which only remembered who its commander-in-chief was. But to ask him to teach the army what the motherland and the people are, that would be asking too much of him.

However, compared to the difference in strength between the Chinese and the Huguang New Army, Yuan Shikai was more able to understand the Huguang New Army's material strength. In this ten-day defensive battle, the Chinese side also fired nearly 9000 shells of various kinds, two-thirds of which were fired by the Huguang New Army, not counting the thousands of hand grenades they threw.

Tian Wenlie then calculated the costs for Yuan Shikai: "A 7-ounce cannon shell costs 25 taels of silver. We've fired 1200 shells in ten days, which is 3 taels. The Huguang New Army's grenades cost one tael each, and mortar shells range from 5 to 12 taels. So, they've spent at least 3 taels on shells and grenades. If this continues, it'll be like a money-devouring beast..."

Yuan Shikai was actually thinking of quitting while he was ahead, since the Russians were the ones fighting, and they were only on the defensive. However, on the afternoon of January 10, Ruan Zhongshu excitedly brought him a telegram with good news, saying that a Russian warship had struck a mine and sunk off the coast near Shanhaiguan. He felt that the Russians should now consider peace.

Upon hearing this news, Yuan Shikai was stunned for a long time, then waved his hand weakly and said, "What good news is this? The Russians have suffered repeated losses; how can they possibly negotiate peace with us? It's a shameful situation..."

Yuan Shikai's guess was actually quite accurate. The Far Eastern adventurers, represented by Far East Governor-General Alekseev, dared not even talk about peace at this point. Under such circumstances, making peace with the Chinese would only appease those "patriots" at home if the Chinese ceded Manchuria and Outer Mongolia and paid a large sum of military reparations.

Just like the Russo-Ukrainian War later on, even though Ukraine lost a large amount of territory, everyone felt that Russia was the loser. Why did they feel this way? Because Russia did not demonstrate strength on the battlefield commensurate with its status as a major power, which, in the eyes of the great powers, was a defeat.

Was it news that the Russian Empire defeated the Qing Empire? Of course not. No European believed the Russians would lose the war. Even the British only hoped that Russia would back down rather than suffer a major defeat in the Far East, because the complete collapse of the Russian government was not the British goal; that was the German goal.

However, the decline of the Russian Empire on the Far Eastern front truly surprised the European powers. No one had expected the Russian army to become so weak; this was yet another instance, following the Sino-British war in Tibet, where the facade of imperialism had been punctured.

These two wars in the East, it should be said, truly excited the Germans. If the British and Russians were so incompetent, then who could help the French hold off the German army on land? Even the French began to feel nervous, because they suddenly realized that their two allies seemed somewhat unreliable.

The sinking of the Russian protected cruiser "Parada" near the coast of Shanhaiguan after striking a mine has essentially become a milestone event in the Russo-Chinese War. Before this, people were wondering if the Chinese would lose the war so easily; now, people are beginning to doubt whether Russia can still protect its interests in the Far East.

The protected cruiser "Parada" has a displacement of 6823 tons. Its primary mission at the time of design was to carry out trade route sabotage operations in the Far East. It was a class of cruiser designed and built by Russia itself. Frankly speaking, its quality was completely inconsistent with the design concept of the Russian Navy and was far inferior to a batch of cruisers that Russia purchased from abroad at the same time. This also proved the low level of Russia's industrial capacity. However, it was still sufficient for bullying agricultural countries like China.

Frankly, the Russian army could conceal casualty figures in its reports if it lost 10,000 or 20,000 men, but the sinking of a warship off the Chinese coastline made it difficult for the Russians to prove they hadn't suffered a defeat. This is what Yuan Shikai meant by "a shameful knife is hard to sheath."

As Yuan Shikai had predicted, the sinking of the Parada did not deter the Russians; instead, it prompted a strong protest to Britain. The Russians argued that they had not launched a naval attack south of Shanhaiguan, yet the Chinese had laid mines along the coast north of Shanhaiguan, clearly violating the agreement between the two sides. Therefore, the Russian navy would now be free to operate without further constraints.

This time, the British chose to back down in the face of Russian protests. On the one hand, the Russians had suffered considerable losses, and imposing any further restrictions might provoke them to turn their anger towards Britain; on the other hand, they also hoped to use this opportunity to put pressure on Yuan Shikai and urge him to sign the Sino-British Treaty on the Tibetan Border as soon as possible.

The Japanese also maintained a low profile this time, not only because the British had backed down, but also because Japan had made up its mind to get involved. Therefore, they needed the Russian navy to come out of Port Arthur. Only when the Russian navy left Port Arthur would the Japanese navy have a chance to force the Russian Pacific Fleet into a decisive battle.

Upon receiving the ultimatum from the British, Yuan Shikai had no choice but to order the continued laying of minefields in the waters near Qinhuangdao and Shanhaiguan. At this point, Yuan Shikai had no choice but to abandon everything and continue fighting the Russians. However, he remained quite concerned about the situation in Wuhan, so he instructed Ruan Zhongshu to monitor the situation there and urge them to expedite the Sino-British border issue.

As Ruan Zhongshu agreed, he said to Yuan Shikai, "The Workers' Party is now spending a lot of energy on verbal battles."